R. Smg. Ferraris

Galileo Ferraris was an oceanic submarine of the Archimede class (displacement of 970 tons on the surface and 1,239 submerged). During the World War II it was not successful, while in the Spanish Civil War it had sunk three merchant ships for a total of 9,052 GRT.

Brief and Partial Chronology

October 15, 1931

Setting up began at the Franco Tosi shipyards in Taranto.

August 11th, 1934

Ferraris was launched at the Franco Tosi shipyard in Taranto. The outfitting took place under the supervision first of the Lieutenant Commander Amleto Baldo (from February 1st through 8th, 1935) and then by his peer Mario Grassi (from March 1st through 5th, 1935), after which the command of the unit (March 6th,1935) was assumed by the Lieutenant Commander Enrico Simola, who would be commander at the beginning of active service and until 1937.

Ferraris at sea for sea trials

August 31st, 1935

Ferraris entered active service, the last unit of the Archimede class to do so. Its flag case was designed by the painter, sculptor and decorator Giorgio Ceragioli.

Together with the twin boats Archimede, Evangelista Torricelli and Galileo Galilei, Ferraris formed the XII Squadron of the III Submarine Flotilla (later to become the XLI and then XLIV Submarine Squadron of the VII Grupsom), based in Taranto. (According to another source, it was assigned to the III Submarine Group, of Messina).

After a period of intense training and short cruises, Ferraris was deployed to Tobruk together with the other boats of the group.

December 9th through 25th, 1936

Under the command of Lieutenant Commander Enrico Giovanni Simola, Ferraris carried out a first clandestine mission (with departure and return to La Maddalena and ambush between Valencia and Formentera) with which it participated in the Spanish Civil War. It was one of the most active Italian submarines (in all it carried out eight missions). However, on this patrol, it did not spot any Republican ships.

February 2nd, 1937

The boat sailed from Taranto at 9.30 PM, for the second mission (to be carried out off the coast of Tarragona) in the context of the Spanish Civil war. The commander was the Lieutenant Commander Primo Longobardo, who replaced Simola on January 26th. Lieutenant Juan García-Frías of the Republican Navy was also on board, alongside Longobardo. The orders were to block the sea area between Vilanoz and Vilanova i la Geltrù, keeping 30 miles from the coast.

February 5th, 1937

After sailing as much as possible unnoticed, Ferraris arrived off the coast of Tarragona in the early hours of the morning. The boat remained lurking submerged throughout the day, but only spotted a three-masted sailing ship that Longobard refuses to attack, considering it a target of little importance. During the night it resurfaced, moved away from the coast and recharged its batteries offshore.

February 6th, 1937

Ferraris returned to Tarragona in the morning and sighted the Spanish tanker Campeador and a steamer of the Ybarra company in the port. The departing and arriving ships, however, sail close to the coast, which prevented the submarine from getting close to the coast, due to the too shallow waters.

February 7th, 1937

The day passes in ambush in front of Tarragona, with no noticeable events.

February 8th, 1937

While Ferraris was two miles south of the breakwater lighthouse, the Campeador comes out of the harbor at full speed. The submarine tried to approach submerged to torpedo it, but the ship moved away before an attack would be possible.

Considering that the characteristics of the waters in front of the port of Tarragona, and traffic of Republican ships near the coast made it impossible to attack while remaining in that position, Longobard decided to move to Cabo Gros, at the end of the bay where Tarragona was located.

As soon as Ferraris reached Cabo Gros, the crew sighted a steamer to the east with lights off and no flag, which was proceeding along the coast. Longobardo ordered two torpedo tubes to be prepared forward, and approached keeping perpendicular to the coast, while the seabed decreased rapidly, to a depth of only twelve meters. Shortly after the ship was identified with the periscope: it was the Spanish Republican steamer Navarre (1,688 GRT, under the command of Captain José Delltell Lloret), sailing from Marseilles to Tarragona (where it intends to stop for the night, and then continue to Barcelona and Valencia) with a cargo of 1,200 tons of materials sent by the French Aid Committee to the Republic of Spain (on paper,  spare parts, medicines and supplies for Spanish women and children; in reality, even weapons, machine guns – some of which were discovered due to the breakage of some of the crates when a fire that broke out on board in the port of Marseille – trucks and clothing; according to the information that had been provided to Ferraris, the ship was carrying trucks).

After estimating the course and speed of the target at 240° and 8 knots, at 4:00 PM Ferraris launched two torpedoes from 700 meters away, with an aiming angle of 11°. Immediately after launching, the Navarre steered with the full rudder to starboard, and intentionally ran aground on the nearby beach, at the mouth of the Rio Gayá (seven miles from Torredembarra). On Ferraris it was suspected that one of the two torpedoes had hit but, since the explosion was not heard nor were any damage or signs of sinking visible, it was decided to launch a third torpedo. However, since the seabed was now so shallow, the course was reversed, and the torpedo was launched from the stern tubes. This torpedo hit the Navarre conspicuously, opening a large gash forward of the bridge.

During the abandonment of the ship Marcel Basset, delegate of the French Popular Front (and head of the delegation accompanying the cargo), fell into the sea and drowned. The rest of the men on board (33 crew members and the other three members of the French delegation) meanwhile got to safety with a lifeboat, before the launch of the third torpedo.

The Republican tugboat Montcabrer, which had been sent to the scene to untangle the Navarre and tow it to a safe port, found that the irreparable damage suffered by the steamer made it impossible to do so. Part of the steamer’s cargo was recovered by fishing boats, barges and pontoons between February 10th and 20th, while the wreck of the Navarre was scrapped on site after the end of the civil war.

The Navarre will be the first of ten merchant ships destroyed by Italian units in the Spanish Civil War. Commander Longobardo, for the action, received his first Silver Medal for Military Valor. The Spanish press spoke of a pirate attack (and in fact, since there was no war declared between Italy and the Republic of Spain, the attack took place in violation of international conventions). On February 13th, the French communist deputy Jean Cristofol arrived by plane in Barcelona to carry out an investigation into the incident. According to Cristofol, the crew of the Navarre identified the attacking submarine as German.

February 17th, 1937

Ferraris concluded the mission with his arrival in Naples.

April 2nd, 1937

Commander Longobardo left the command of Ferraris, which was temporarily taken over by Lieutenant Vincenzo D’Amato.

April 25th, 1937

The new commander of Ferraris was Lieutenant Commander Sergio Lusena.

August 10th, 1937

Ferraris set sail from Leros for the third mission in the Spanish Civil War.

August 14th, 1937

Ferraris while submerged, launched two torpedoes against a merchant ship, which was missed; it was the British steamer Socony.

August 15th, 1937

In the early hours of the morning, the boat intercepted the Spanish Republican motor ship Ciudad de Cadiz (4,602 GRT, under the command of Captain Francisco Mugartegui Tellechea), sailing from Odessa to Valencia (or Barcelona) with a cargo of 73,875 tons of steel, 177 crates of spare parts and 43 trucks (for other sources provisions, fuel and vehicles, or weapons). Just out of the Dardanelles Strait, Ferraris came to the surface on portside of the motor ship, passes alongside it with a course towards Tenedos, moves three miles aft of it and then reverses course by 180°, starting to follow it.

The Ciudad de Cadiz tried to escape at top speed, but Ferraris was faster. The submarine made a first maneuver to torpedo the ship but performed it badly and therefore had to start again, while the motor ship began to call for help by radio. Returning to the attack, the submarine positioned itself 300-400 meters to starboard of the Ciudad de Cadiz. After a three-hour chase, at 10:30 AM, Ferraris hoisted the Spanish Nationalist flag, to deflect suspicion about its nationality (since there was no state of war between Italy and Republican Spain, in fact, these attacks were illegal) and opened fire with the cannon from a distance of about 300 meters.

From aboard the Spanish ship, the sailors notice that the striker’s gunners are wearing uniforms without badges. The first shot of Ferraris hits the superstructures and the mast that supports the radio antennas; immediately the crew of the Spanish ship hoisted a white flag, but Ferraris launches two torpedoes, which hit the Ciudad de Cadiz respectively at the height of the first class cabins and in hold number 2 (adjacent compartments), then resumes firing with the cannon, hitting the superstructures with seven more shells (in all, eight 100 mm hits were scored,  out of twelve shots).

At this point the Spanish captain orders the ship to be abandoned; the 79 men of the crew, all unharmed, took refuge on three boats, then the Ciudad de Cadiz sank in ten minutes (sixteen minutes in all had elapsed since the beginning of the attack) in position 39°38′ N and 25°46′ E, 15 miles from the island of Tenedos/Bozcaada. Ferraris, which had witnessed the final stages of the freighter’s agony from a distance of half a mile, steered west and pulled away at full speed.

The boats with 77 castaways were recovered by the Soviet tanker Varlaam Avassanev and disembarked in Istanbul on August 17th (where the commander Tellechea protested about the incident), while the other two men, who stayed on board to save the ship’s dogs and cats and then forced to dive into the sea, were rescued by a Danish ship.

The castaways reported that they had been attacked by a submarine of modern construction, with two large guns at the bow and stern, anti-aircraft guns and a direction finder; without a flag and with the initials C. 3 painted in large red letters (for other sources, black).

August 17th, 1937

Ferraris (whose identity and nationality are not ascertained) was spotted by units of the Turkish Navy while carrying out attack maneuvers in the territorial waters of Turkey. The old armored-cruiser Hamidiye and a squadron of planes were sent to search for it, but they do not find it; If that had happened, there would have been an international incident.

August 18th, 1937

Ferraris fired torpedoes at the Spanish steamer Aldecoa but missed. The ship manages to escape. A few hours later, shortly after 10:00 PM, Ferraris encountered the Spanish steamship Armuru of 2,762 GRT, sailing from Odessa to Spain with a cargo of, depending on the sources (Italian or Spanish), weapons for the Republican forces or food, depending on the sources (Italian or Spanish) and hit it with a torpedo. The ship, to avoid sinking, runs aground on the island of Tenedos, but sank shortly after, while the crew was rescued by the Turkish steamer Kemal.

August 25th, 1937

Ferraris returned to Leros. During the mission, in all, the submarine carried out 48 attack maneuvers.

September 1937

Following the protests unleashed internationally (not only by Republican Spain, but also by the Non-Intervention Committee and the League of Nations) for the illegal attacks by Italian ships and submarines (including those on the Ciudad de Cadiz and the Armuru, although the aggressor had not been identified), it was decided to suspend the offensive and instead surrender or lend some units to the Spanish Nationalist Navy.

Among the units “loaned” there was Ferraris. For this purpose, the submarine left Leros and moved to La Maddalena.

September 17th, 1937

Ferraris left La Maddalena for Soller (Balearic Islands).

September 20th, 1937

The boat arrived in Soller in the morning. Renamed first General Sanjurio II and then L. 2 (i.e. Legionnaire 2), the submarine was deployed in that port and framed in the Tercio de Estranjeros, the Spanish Foreign Legion, with an Italian crew of volunteers, who, however, wore Spanish uniforms, and Spanish “consultants” (on Ferraris, Lieutenant Gonzalo Díaz García). Placed under Admiral Francisco Moreno, of the Spanish Nationalist Navy. The rules for the missions of the “legionary” submarines (four in all: in addition to Ferraris, the Galilei and the smaller Iride and Onice) were very restrictive, to avoid accidents: do not to attack any non-Spanish Republican ship outside Spanish territorial waters; do not to attack any foreign-flagged vessel outside territorial waters; Never attack, even within territorial waters, British, French, U.S. and Japanese ships.

October 17th through 25th, 1937

Ambush off the coast of Barcelona, to no avail.

November 11th, 1937

Commander Lusena was replaced by Lieutenant Junio Valerio Borghese.

November 22nd through 30th, 1937

A new ambush was launched in the waters off Port Mahon, with orders to attack Spanish Republican ships and, if encountered, the French steamers La Corse and La Gaulois, which were connecting Mahon and France (unless escorted by foreign warships). The mission ends without results.

December 17th through 25th, 1937

New mission off Cape Creux. The heavy cruiser Canarias, of the Francoist Navy, not having been informed of the presence of Ferraris in the area, twice tried to ram it, believing it to be a Republican submarine.

January 8th, 1938

Commander Borghese was replaced by Lieutenant Commander Franco Baslini.

January 12th through 21st, 1938

New unsuccessful ambush off the coast of Barcelona.

January 27th through Early February 1938

Last mission in the waters of Barcelona, again without construction.

August 5th, 1938

The command of Ferraris, now back in regular service for the Regia Marina, was taken over by the Lieutenant Commander Giuseppe Mellina.

1938

Temporarily assigned to the XLIV Submarine Squadron (Taranto Submarine Group), together with her twin boat Galileo Galilei and the more modern Archimede, Brin, Guglielmotti, Torricelli and Galvani.

Ferraris visiting Naples in 1938

September 28th, 1938

The command of Ferraris was hand over to Lieutenant Antonio Cuzzaniti.

April 11th, 1939

Cuzzaniti left command of the boat, which was temporarily taken over by his peer Bolo Monechi.

July 8th, 1939

The command of Ferraris was taken over by the Lieutenant Commander Candido Corvetti.

August 1st, 1939

Commander Corvetti handed over command to Michele Morisani.

November 30th, 1939

Command of Ferraris was assumed by the Lieutenant Commander Livio Piomarta.

March 1940

Ferraris left Italy and reached Massawa, Eritrea (Red Sea, Italian East Africa).

June 10th, 1940

Upon Italy’s entry into World War II, Ferraris (Lieutenant Commander Livio Piomarta) was part of the LXXXI Submarine Squadron (with the Galilei and the more modern Guglielmotti and Galvani), based in Massawa.

In the early hours of June10th, even before the declaration of war was announced, Ferraris put to sea for its first war mission, off the coast of Djibouti. After crossing the Gulf of Zula, the submarine skirted the east coast of Eritrea proceeding at full force on the surface. In the afternoon, Commander Piomarta informed the crew that Ferraris has not gone out to sea for an exercise, and that Italy had entered the war. During the night, Ferraris crosses the Perim Strait on the surface, a presumably mined area, then reaches its ambush sector.

June 12th and 13th, 1940

On the night between the 12th and the 13th, the submarine, while crossing the strait of Bab el-Mandeb, sighted a destroyer. It began a crash dive to get into an attack position, but in doing so a valve (“trumpet”) for the ventilation of the batteries hold was closed late and thus allowed seawater to enter, which damaged the batteries and caused several failures. There were also chlorine leaks (from batteries that had come into contact with seawater), which made it possible to notice the flooding of the battery hold and close the valve before it was too late. Gas masks were worn, and the air purification apparatus was activated. The submarine spends several hours motionless at a great depth, while the destroyer (for another source, two) crosses on its vertical, without ever launching depth charges.

In the end, with the enemy gone, Ferraris re-emerged. There were also methyl chloride leaks, which intoxicated several men, and thus Ferraris was forced to abort the mission.

On 13 June, while coasting northwest of Eritrea, the submarine came in sight of Assab and at that moment two surface units appeared in the distance, apparently in pursuit of it. The coastal batteries of Assab mistook Ferraris for an enemy submarine and opened fire, hitting and damaging the submarine which hoisted sheets like white flags, thus causing a ceasefire. While the sighted ships left, Ferraris was joined by two tugboats and motorboats, since in the meantime it has been understood in Assab that it was an Italian unit.

June 14th, 1940

After a brief stop in Assab, Ferraris returned to Massawa in the evening, mooring in the bay of Ras Carrar. The submarine Torricelli was sent out to replace it, but it will be lured into a trap and sunk after an unequal fight against five British ships.

Shortly after Ferraris arrived in port, Massawa was bombed by air raids. The submarine defended itself with its 13.2 mm machine guns.

June 15th, 1940

While repairs were being made for the cannonade received at Assab, with the help of about twenty civilian workers from the local arsenal, the damaged batteries were removed and brought ashore to restore them to efficiency. In the evening there was a new aerial bombardment – now a constant in the daily life in Massawa.

June-August 1940

Repair work.

August 6th, 1940

After the completion of the work a few days earlier, Ferraris, together with Archimede and Guglielmotti (the submarines were spaced 15 meters apart), was moored at the pier in the port of Massawa (at the southern end of which there were the torpedo boats Giovanni Acerbi and Vincenzo Giordano Orsini, two tugboats and some motorboats) when at 6:00 PM the port suffered an air raid by two or three British Bristol Blenheim bombers. The airplanes, flying low, dropped their bombs against the pier where the submarines and torpedo boats were moored. While the former did not suffer any damage, the torpedo boats were hit in full, with 15 victims among the crew and very serious damage (it would never return to service). A bomb also hit the floating galley serving the torpedo boats, moored at the same jetty, destroying it along with its occupants.

The following day, the Massawa Marine Command ordered the three submarines to be unmoored, removed from the jetty and moored instead at the halfway point in the bay, two hundred meters from each other, to disperse the targets and make attacks by the British bombers more difficult.

August 14th, 1940

Ferraris left Massawa in the morning (still under the command of Lieutenant Commander Piomarta) to intercept a British battleship, which, according to information received from the Addis Ababa command, was to transit the Red Sea, coming from Suez and heading south, between August 15th and 17th (it was H.M.S. Royal Sovereign, bound for Aden).

August 15th, 1940

Ferraris reached the area of operations, lying in wait for the probable north-south routes that the battleship would travel, with orders to keep preferably east of the Red Sea sundial, and remain in the area until the 17th. Due to the monsoon winds and the consequent rough seas, Ferraris pitches and rolls strongly, until it tilted up to 45° to starboard. The captain ordered to correct the excessive heeling by giving full air to the starboard ballast tanks, while the electric pumps run out of water in the port ballast tanks. The starboard motor pump, however, decouples from the coupling of the electric motor and vacuum pump, so much so that the submersible risked capsizing. This happens because the sub-chief engineer in charge – embarked for this mission to replace the ‘owner’ Vincenzo La Commare, who remained on the ground due to illness – and who had already shown signs of imbalance after boarding, did not carry out the precise instructions received. Ferraris was head to the wind, with a 180° south course and bow against the sea and against the wind. Once the problem was resolved, the boat continued with the mission.

Around 8:00 PM an unknown ship was sighted on the portside, which could not be attacked because it was too far away (as well as due to haze and adverse weather and sea conditions). At 10:00 PM, in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait (in position 19° N and 39° E), a destroyer or small cruiser was sighted zigzagging, and the submarine approached to attack. The commander gave the order to flood the launch tube number 2 and prepare it for launch. The British ship, coming from the south, proceeded northwards, and Ferraris had to change course, approaching to the east, which put it in the sea sideways, causing it to roll violently.

At 11:55 PM, from a kilometer away, the submarine launched two torpedoes at the enemy unit, but did not hit (according to helmsman Mario Cassisa, because the strong roll and pitch, caused by the rough sea, caused the bow to move a few degrees). The British unit counterattacked with depth charges, which lasted for three hours, but Ferraris managed to disengage. The attacked ship was probably one of three destroyers escorting H.M.S. Royal Sovereign, H.M.S. Dainty, H.M.S. Defender and H.M.S. Decoy. According to other sources, the attack, unsuccessful, would have been directed against the Royal Sovereign itself, but this is a mistake.

August 19th, 1940

Ferraris return to base. As soon as the submarine approaches the buoy to moor, a new air attack immediately begins, but it causes little damage. The next night, there was another bombing, and another the following day. From aboard Ferraris, the crew had the opportunity to witness the exploits of the pilot Mario Visentin, ace of the Regia Aeronautica, who defended Massawa from British air attacks, winning numerous air battles.

August 25th through September 1st, 1940

Offensive mission between Gebel Tair and Gebel Zucur, to no avail.

September 5th through 8th, 1940

Another offensive mission, in the waters of the Dahlak Islands (area identified by coordinates 18° N and 40° E), without success. Ferraris searched unsuccessfully for the British convoy “BS. 4”. According to helmsman Mario Cassisa, the sound of a propeller was heard, and the source was approached, which turned out to be an enemy unit, which nevertheless escaped the attack.

October 20th through 23rd, 1940

New unsuccessful offensive mission in the Red Sea. Ferraris searched in vain for the British convoy “BN. 7″ (32 merchant ships escorted by the light cruiser H.M.S. Leander, the destroyer H.M.S. Kimberley, the sloops H.M.S. Auckland, H.M.A.S. Yarra and H.M.I.S. Indus and the destroyers H.M.S. Huntley and H.M.S. Derby, as well as about fifty aircraft), sailing from Aden (where the convoy arrived from Bombay) to Suez. The destroyers Nazario Sauro, Francesco Nullo, Leone and Pantera found it, but their attack failed, ending with the loss of the Nullo.

On the way back, more air raids. During one of these attacks, a plane attacking Ferraris was hit in the fuel tank and crashes into the waters of the harbor. The two members of its crew were recovered from a motorboat and taken prisoner, while the aircraft was recovered from the seabed in the following days to be examined.

November 24th through 28th, 1940

Another offensive mission in the Red Sea, again under the command of Lieutenant Commander Piomarta.

November 26th, 1940

During the mission, at the first light of dawn, Ferraris spotted some dark mass on the horizon, then some trees and finally a convoy of merchant ships escorted by light cruisers and destroyers, at an estimated speed of 7 knots. The submarine partially submerged, allowing the conning tower to be out of the water, and prepared launch tubes 1, 3 and 4. When one of the destroyers, during a maneuver, left a “hole” in the protective screen, Ferraris moved between the merchant ships and the escort and launched three torpedoes from 700 meters, then quickly dove into the depths.

Piomarta believed that he had hit three steamers (three explosions were heard in succession on board the submarine, the third much more prolonged and violent than the other two), and the news was also announced in Bulletin No. 174 of the General Headquarters of the Armed Forces (November 28th, 1940): “In the Red Sea, on the morning of the 26th, one of our submarines,  The Galileo Ferraris, fired three torpedoes at three steamers of a heavily escorted enemy convoy. All three steamers were hit in full and sunk’. However, it was a wrong impression, and in reality, no torpedoes hit a target.

December 3rd through 8th, 1940

Offensive mission off Masamaruh, also unproductive. Ferraris was again looking for a convoy (as well as the destroyers Tigre, Leone and Daniele Manin), but did not find it.

December 23rd through 30th, 1940

Offensive mission off Port Sudan, unsuccessful. According to helmsman Mario Cassisa, on Christmas Day a formation of four British warships was sighted, and Ferraris attempted to attack them, but the attack had to be abandoned due to the excessive distance.

January 1941

More bombing of Massawa. Shortly after returning to base, Ferraris was visited, together with the Guglielmotti and the other units present in Massawa, by Amedeo of Savoy-Aosta, viceroy of Italian East Africa.

During a direct bombing raid against Ferraris and Guglielmotti, on an afternoon in January 1941, many bombs missed their targets and one fell in the square in front of the Massawa Arsenal, where dozens of civilian workers were running towards the air-raid shelters, causing a massacre.

January 20th through 26th, 1941

The last offensive mission, between Gebel Tair and Gebel Zucur, was once again fruitless. Only one hospital ship was sighted, which of course was not attacked.

February 1941

Ferraris underwent adaptation work in preparation for a long crossing to Bordeaux in occupied France. In fact, it seemed inevitable that Italian East Africa would fall within a few months, so it was decided to transfer the four remaining submarines of Massawa (in addition to Ferraris, Guglielmotti, Archimede and Perla) to Bordeaux, home of the Italian Atlantic base of Betasom, with a long circumnavigation of Africa. For communications with Bordeaux, Ferraris was assigned the distinctive signs 18F and D92.

March 3rd, 1941

Ferraris left Massawa, under the command of the Lieutenant Commander Piomarta.

March 2st1, 1941

Ferraris faces a violent typhoon, which causes some damage to the stern.

April 10th, 1941

In the evening Ferraris, in position 24°33′ S and 19°29′ W, was sighted by the British submarine H.M.S. Severn (Lieutenant Commander Andrew Neil Gillespie Campbell).

Through the decryption (by means of “ULTRA”) of some messages sent from Rome to Asmara and Massawa, the British learned of the transfer of the Italian boats from Massawa to Bordeaux and therefore organized the “Grab” operation, with the aim of intercepting and capturing, or destroying, the four Italian submarines and the German tanker Nordmark, sent to supply them. H.M.S. Severn, along with the auxiliary cruiser Alcantara and the sloop Milford, were sent to hunt down the five Axis units (the Nordmark will also be spotted by an Alcantara seaplane on April 14th but managed to pass herself off as the U.S. tanker Prairie).

H.M.S. Severn launched four torpedoes at 07:47 PM, and then two more at 07:50 PM, but none of the weapons hit Ferraris, which moved away without even noticing the attack.

April 12th, 1941

At 11.06 AM Ferraris was located by the British on a 345° bearing from Darwin (probably with direction finding equipment).

April 16th and 17th, 1941

After diving in the Red Sea and the Perim Strait, crossing the Mozambique Channel and rounding the Cape of Good Hope, thus entering the Atlantic Ocean, Ferraris met as planned the German refueler Nordmark, northwest of Tristan da Cunha, and thus carries out the only refueling of food and fuel of the long crossing. The ship arrived after a few days of waiting (if it had not arrived, the submarine would have reached Pernambuco in Brazil and be interned there), disguised as a British ship. Ferraris was ready to attack it in case it was a real enemy ship, but then Nordmark was recognized and the refueling took place.

May 9th, 1941

After passing west of the Azores and the Cape Verde Islands, Ferraris finally reached Bordeaux. The boat traveled 14,000 miles in 68 days. Commander Piomarta received the Silver Medal for Military Valor in recognition of his remarkable seafaring feat.

Ferraris arriving in Bordeaux

May 15th through October 1st, 1941

Subjected to extensive maintenance work (especially the diesel engines), at the Bordeaux shipyard, to be returned to working conditions after the exhausting journey.

Some of the damaged that needed repairing in Bordeaux after the long journey from East Africa

The Sinking

On October 10th, 1941, after the completion of the repair work, Ferraris left Bordeaux for its first Atlantic mission, under the command of Lieutenant Filippo Flores (Commander Piomarta had been transferred to the submarine Marconi: fate would have it that this boat, with all the crew, disappeared in the same days and in the same area where Ferraris was sunk). When the submarine left the quay, only a priest remained on the pier to watch it. Someone on board interpreted this as a bad omen.

On exiting the locks, the boat crossed to starboard, and when Commander Flores ordered the whole tiller to be put to port the bow did not immediately straighten. The problem was solved, however, and Ferraris took the Gironde with two engines and 200 mines, preceded and followed by two German minesweepers, and with a French pilot on board.

Arriving at Le Verdon after seven hours, the boat anchored there until the next day, then proceeded to La Pallice, where it arrived at two o’clock in the afternoon of October 12th. After replenishing supplies, Ferraris left France for good on October 14th.

The submarine was assigned an operational sector to the east-northeast of the Azores. On October 17th, Ferraris formed, together with Archimede and Guglielmo Marconi, a barrage of Italian submarines located west of another barrage of German boats (U 71, U 83 and U 204 off Cape Spartel, U 206, U 563 and U 564 off Cape Trafalgar) for the interception of convoys coming from or going to Gibraltar. Spies operating in Spain and Morocco, had reported that convoy “HG. 75” (17 merchant ships, escorted by 4 destroyers, 7 corvettes, a sloop and the aircraft launcher H.M.S. Ariguani) would depart Gibraltar for England.

For five days Ferraris was stationed in the assigned area, without any major events. One of the helmsmen having fallen ill, the other helmsmen were forced to increase the number of watchmen for four days to replace him.

On the evening of October 24th, the submarine received a phonogram in which the submarine command of the Kriegsmarine informed it of the presence of the “HG 75” in the area (which, having departed on the evening of October 22nd, had already been attacked by the U-boats of the first barrage, which had sunk three merchant ships and the destroyer H.M.S. Cossack). Ferraris took a course of approach to the convoy, on the surface at full force, forcing the engines.

The convoy, however, was preceded by the PBY Catalina ‘A’ seaplane of the Royal Air Force’s 202nd Squadron, which took off from Gibraltar and was assigned to its escort. The aircraft, the AH-538 piloted by Major (Squadron Leader) Norman F. Eagleton, followed a zigzag search path, and in doing so, at 10:41 AM on October 25th, sighted Ferraris as it sailed on the surface, northwest of the convoy (i.e., 17 miles forward of it). The submarine in turn sighted the plane but, having been informed of the presence of German aircraft in the area, mistook it for a German Focke-Wulf FW 200 “Condor” reconnaissance aircraft. He signaled with his sign lamp, but the aircraft moved away without responding.

Returning shortly after, the Catalina approached from the stern and swooped down, and Ferraris, taken by surprise, did not dive. Commander Flores immediately sent the gunners to the stern gun and machine guns, and the submarine returned fire with the latter. The seaplane dropped two depth charges, but the second-in-command Furlan ordered “the whole tiller to port” and so the bombs missed the boat, falling into the sea at starboard bow (at distances varying between 10 and 50 meters from the boat) without exploding. Moreover, the Catalina also opened fire with its machine guns, then – not wanting to waste any more depth charges – began to fly in circles around the submarine, keeping in sight of it, and radioed the sighting to the escort of the convoy “HG. 75”. In the message, however, Eagleton forgot to indicate the position of the submarine in relation to the convoy, so the destroyer sent to hunt him, H.M.S. Duncan, was sent in the wrong direction. On Ferraris, the depth charges had not caused any damage, but the strafing had pierced the ballast tanks and the double aft tanks, causing a loss of fuel. The submarine tried to move away to the surface, but the Catalina followed. Another plane was seen coming from the bow but turned and immediately drove away.

Another British destroyer belonging to the escort of “HG. 75’” , H.M.S. Lamerton (Lieutenant Commander Hugh Crofton Simms) of the 12th Escort Group, had temporarily left the convoy’s escort at 8:17 AM to refuel (not having enough to reach the UK) at Punta Delgada in the Azores. The destroyer was sailing 30 miles south of the convoy (i.e. forward of it) and the submarine, when at 11:07 AM a lookout sighted another Catalina seaplane to the north, as well as two German Fw 200 “Condors”. H.M.S. Lamerton turned north, in the direction of the sighted aircraft, and a beacon contacted the Catalina with light signals. One of the two Catalinas (it is not clear which of the two) said over the radio that he was on top of an emerged U-boat (it was actually, of course, Ferraris).

H.M.S. Lamerton, a destroyer of the Hunt Class, Type II

At 11:35 AM, Lamerton sighted Eagleton’s Catalina, and at 11:40 AM Eagleton reported to the destroyer “Full speed” and at 11:45 AM that she was flying in circles over a 330° U-boat. Around that moment, H.M.S. Lamerton spotted smoke on the horizon, and realized that the submarine (not yet visible) was attempting to escape to the surface. Putting the engines at full strength, the destroyer soon came to sighting the Italian unit.

When Commander Flores saw H.M.S. Lamerton approaching, he mistakenly identified it as a corvette (having a slower speed than a destroyer), which could also have beaten in speed, therefore – in view of the fact that the fuel leak could have signaled the position of the submarine, if it had dived, as well as the fact that the hydrophones were out of order and therefore,  once submerged, the submarine would not have been able to know where the attacker was – he decided to try to escape at full speed, remaining on the surface. The British ship set out in pursuit of Ferraris, which lasted for 31 miles, but the surface speed of a submarine remained well below that of a destroyer (Ferraris could reach a maximum of 17 knots, H.M.S. Lamerton could reach 27).

At noon, when the distance had been reduced to six miles (for another source, 8.8 km), H.M.S. Lamerton opened fire on the Italian submarine with the twin 101 mm “A” system, whereupon Ferraris turned 90° to starboard and returned fire with the aft gun (in the meantime, Commander Flores ordered the gunners to arm the forward gun as well). The Catalina also returned to attack with strafing passes, but each time it was repulsed by the submarine’s fire.

A Ferraris shell hit the bow castle of H.M.S. Lamerton, causing some slight damage, but the submarine’s shots were short and irregular, also because the British ship zigzagged for the precise purpose of preventing the Italian gunners from adjusting their aim (as well as to avert the possible risk of launching a torpedo). H.M.S. Lamerton continued to fire as it closed its distance, and four or five shots hit Ferraris in full, immobilizing it and opening holes on board (according to the narration of the helmsman Giovanni Serpe, however, none of the gunshots of the destroyer hit the target, always falling around the submarine). Two machine guns jammed, and it was not possible to restore them to working order. The lookouts spotted the fumes of two other ships forward, and a new plane came in from the stern.

In the end, Commander Flores, realizing that he had no hope of escaping – since he could not dive – let alone defeat a destroyer in a surface engagement, gave the order to cease fire and go on deck. The secret documents were destroyed, and the crew began to throw themselves into the sea; Flores himself, the second-in-command Furlan and the chief engineer, Captain of the Naval Engineers Francesco Rubino, were the last to remain on board. The latter was supposed to provide for the self-scuttling. Also on board was a sub-chief radio telegraphist, almost certainly Gerardo Zorzi (who had volunteered and had been on board Ferraris since before the outbreak of the war).

While the crew abandoned the boat (Commander Flores abandoned it last), Chief Engineer Rubino went down to the maneuvering room together with Sub-Chief Zorzi and opened the air vents, to sink the submarine. Ferraris, however, at that point abruptly accelerated its sinking, and sank in a very short time, taking with it to the bottom of the sea its chief engineer and the sub-chief who had accompanied him. To the memory of Captain Rubino was awarded the Bronze Medal for Military Valor.

Ferraris disappeared at 12:23 PM on October 25th, 1941, in position 37°27′ N and 14°33′ W (Italian sources; for the British sources, 37°07′ N and 14°19′ E), east of the Azores and 400 miles west of the Strait of Gibraltar. Scarcely three minutes had elapsed since Commander Flores’ ordered to go on deck.

At that moment H.M.S. Lamerton was 5.8 km away and continued to approach. When it arrived there, it initially carried out a sonar search, fearing that the submarine had submerged. To be on the safe side, it dropped a pack of four depth charges at the spot where Ferraris had disappeared. The ensuing concussion made the men overboard perceive a crushing effect but, at least apparently, caused no casualties (in addition to Rubino and Zorzi, there were three other victims in the sinking of Ferraris, but there seems to be no news about the circumstances of their deaths, however they could also have been killed by the explosion of the depth charges).

The large number of men overboard, however, soon convinced Commander Simms that the submarine had sunk. After initially leaving, H.M.S. Lamerton returned to the scene shortly afterwards to retrieve the castaways.

The crew of Ferraris formed a united group at sea, except for the helmsman Giovanni Serpe and a chief engineman, who had been separated from the others by a gust of sea. Many castaways were crying out for help, because they did not know how to swim. The best swimmers among their teammates helped them stay afloat. There was a long sea.

When H.M.S. Lamerton returned to the scene, she sounded her siren in victory and circled the castaways twice, throwing pieces of coal and empty milk, while British sailors whistled and shouted at the survivors of Ferraris. The Catalina made a tonneau as a sign of celebration.

H.M.S. Lamerton rescuing the crewmembers of Ferraris

At last, the destroyer stopped beside the group of castaways, and lowered nets and biscay along the bulwark. The survivors rushed towards them, but several were swept back by the waves. However, almost all of them managed to board H.M.S. Lamerton, except nine, who were in a very precarious situation. Once on board, the castaways were stripped of the soaked clothes they were wearing and naked, were gathered in the bow. Once the recovery of the bulk of the survivors was completed, H.M.S. Lamerton restarted and rescued the last ones who had remained out of reach. In the meantime, the carpenter of the British ship was plugging the holes opened by the splinters of Ferraris’ bullets with wooden dowels.

Commander Simms of H.M.S. Lamerton was later awarded the Distinguished Service Order for the sinking of Ferraris; Lieutenant George Dudley Pound received the Distinguished Service Cross, three other men from the Lamerton (Sergeant Ellis Taylor, Signal Sergeant George Mason Ford, Sailor John Paterson) were awarded the Distinguished Service Medal, and four others (Captain William Henry Stubbings, Lieutenant Alan Geoffrey Gardner,  Chief Bomber Norman Frederick Govier and Sub-Chief Leslie Walker English) were mentioned in the dispatches.

At the end of the rescue, the Italian castaways were refreshed with a little canned meat put on a single plate, moldy crackers and a little dirty water. Then H.M.S. Lamerton rejoined the convoy, and transferred the survivors of Ferraris, by boat, to the destroyer H.M.S. Vidette. Here the treatment was noticeably better. Petty officers and sailors were accommodated in the stoker’s room under the bow castle, while the officers were accommodated in the stern, and trousers and shirts were distributed to those who did not have them.

However, the dangers were not over: now the risk was to end up torpedoed by the German allies, since the convoy was still under attack by the U-boats. About eleven o’clock that evening the alarm was raised, and the Italian castaways were brought under the bow castle, so that they would not be trapped in case of sinking; However, they were not given life jackets.

During the night, what seemed to be the sounds of attacks were heard three times; The next morning, the British sailors, in gestures and half-sentences, implied that they had seen a submarine emerge capsized and then sink. After two days, one morning the castaways of Ferraris were taken on deck to get some air; after two more days H.M.S. Vidette arrived in Gibraltar, at about 1.45 PM

Disembarking in Gibraltar, the men of Ferraris were initially locked up in the local prison for common criminals, and later transferred to Great Britain, arriving in Glasgow and being interned in a prison camp (P.O.W. Camp No. 17) near Sheffield. Later, the prisoners were transferred again, this time to the United States where they ended up in the Pine Camp (TN now Fort Drum) prison camp in New York State. Giovanni Asselle, Ferraris’ cook, arriving in America and seeing the wealth and industrial power of that country, came to the definitive certainty that Italy would lose the war.

The treatment at Pine Camp was good; after the armistice between Italy and the Allies (September 8th, 1943) Italian prisoners were offered the opportunity to collaborate with the Allied forces, and most accepted. Giovanni Asselle, like other castaways of Ferraris, thus ended up carrying out various auxiliary services, traveling around the United States, until the end of the war. One of the survivors of Ferraris, sailor gunner Antonio De Seta, died in captivity in the United States on September 22nd, 1944, becoming the sixth and last victim among the submarine’s crew.

The last mission of Ferraris in memory of the sailor helmsman Giovanni Serpe:

“We left Bordeaux on October 10th, 1941.

On exiting the locks, the submarine crossed to starboard, the commander gave the order: “tiller all the way to port” but the bow did not straighten, it was seen from then on, that luck was against us. Finally, we got out, we were all lined up along the edge to say goodbye to our comrades who had remained on base.

We took the Gironde with two engines at 200 rpm, accompanied us for dredging magnetic mines a German pirate ship [sic] (Harlequin, so called for its colorful painting) and a small German minesweeper, the first forward, the second behind, the pilot who was French gave orders to the commander, the commander in turn to the helmsman.

The sail to La Verdon lasted 7 hours, where we anchored until the next day.

We left the Gironde and headed for La Palice.

We arrived at 2:00 PM on October 12th.

Here we were supplied with fresh food.

The second-in-command (Mr. Furlan) took me with him to La Rochelle for a small personal shore, with him there was also our chief engineer (Mr. Rubino).

Along the navigation from Bordeax to La Palice you could still see the remains of the effects of the “Stugas” [Stukas, ed] and the German magnetic mines well known by the belligerent states, stranded steamers all dented to starboard and port of the Gironde, outside the port of La Palice was half sunk by a magnetic mine the French motor ship “Lo Sciale'” [probably the ocean liner Champlain,  Editor’s note] a very modern ship that at the beginning of the war had been converted into a troop transport.

An Italian salvage company was working on it.

The next day we set out on our usual 40-day mission. After 5 days of sailing, we reached our area. We stayed in the area for 5 days, the navigation was going well, I was the helmsman doing my four and four watches, my resting place was in the stern launch room.

For four days our attacking helmsman felt ill, so we helmsmen were forced to increase the hours of the watch.

On the fifth day that we were in the area, the commander received a phonogram, he immediately changed course and so both engines in motion went in that new direction.

He spent the whole evening like this, but in the morning the lookouts spotted an aircraft, immediately made the recognition signals with the pistol, he turned and went away in the opposite direction.

Around eleven o’clock again the stern aircraft was sighted, the aircraft dove, the commander had already called the armament to the stern piece and to the machine guns, they began to fire, in the dive the aircraft dropped two bombs, thanks to the cold blood of the second officer who ordered: “the whole tiller to port!” the two bombs went to hit 50 meters to starboard from the bow of the boat,  Thus began a heavy fight between us and the aircraft (Catalina) in this while another aircraft was sighted from the bow which he also did like the first, arrived at a certain point and turned and disappeared on the horizon.

An hour later smoke was seen from the stern, we had the hydrophones in failure and so if you dived it was difficult to hear which direction the destroyer was facing.

We also engaged in combat with the destroyer.

Every now and then the aircraft would swoop at us, a cannon shot from the stern would make it retreat, in one of these dives it machine-gunned the stern side double-bottoms, sending the fuel oil that was inside overboard, but this was not of vital importance.

In the meantime, the captain summoned the armament to the bow piece.

We had two jammed machine guns that were not easily repaired.

The destroyer fired two guns, but its salvos went to and from of the boat but without hitting it.

I, two torpedo pilots and the chief torpedo pilot were in the aft launch chamber with the watertight door closed, and I was ordered to stay close to the hand rudder in case they hit the electric rudder.

The boat was on general alert, everyone was at their fighting posts.

Everything was going well, but at a certain point the lookouts spotted two bow fumes on the horizon and another aircraft approaching from the stern, we fired again, but their superiority gripped our forces.

The captain gave the order to cease fire and people on deck, as is done before sinking the boat, the secret documents were destroyed, we began to throw ourselves into the sea, the commander was always in his place together with him was the chief engineer and the second in command, the destroyer continued to fire.

We were all at sea except the captain, the chief engineer and a sub-chief R.T. who I don’t know why had remained on board, the chief engineer was down with the R.T., but the chief engineer was in the maneuvering room to open the air vents, but bad luck wanted that the submarine sank in an instant taking with it the chief engineer and the sub-chief R.T.

But all this maneuver, from the moment of the command “men overboard” to the sinking, only 3 minutes passed.

The destroyer rushed against us, but when it reached the height of the boat it dropped four depth charges producing a large column of water, which burst a short distance from us, which made us all crush our bellies, after this the destroyer moved away to the horizon disappearing.

We were all united at sea, except for me and the chief engine, because a gust of sea detached us from the group.

There were many in the sea who were crying out for help because they could not swim, but they were all rescued by those who knew how to swim well.

The sea was a bit rough, but it didn’t look like much because it was long.

After a long time, the destroyer was seen to appear again, whistling as if to greet the dead, we were all with gall in our mouths when we saw that he was circling around us, throwing us pieces of coal, empty milk, whistling and shouting at us.

Twice he repeated the same things, but the third time he stopped and threw along the edge where we were some ropes made of nets, which looked like ladders, we all rushed in that direction, many could not get close to us because the waves were pushing them back, so after a long time they managed to catch up with everyone, except for nine who were in worrying positions.

All of us who were already on board took off what we had on us and took us to the bow away, we were all naked and it almost seemed that we were dying of the cold, so cold was it, we always thought of our companions who were struggling with the waves, while the destroyer started to move, wetting us all from the spray of the mustache,  it almost seemed as if he did not want to take our comrades overboard, so at last he turned and took the last survivors, while they were getting in, the carpenter on board with wooden dowels was plugging the holes formed by the splinters of our bullets.

They made us stay on board until the destroyer “Lamerton” reached the convoy, so we found ourselves in the middle of the convoy, consisting of an auxiliary cruiser of 18,000 tons, 22 steamers of different tonnage, 5 gunboats, 4 destroyers and a destroyer that formed the squadron leader.

Before the boat lowered the boat to take us on board the squadron leader, the destroyer “Lamerton” made us refresh ourselves (as they call it) with a little corned meat put on a single plate, with some crackers full of mold, and with a little dirty water where at the bottom we could see the rust of the water tanks.

Thus we spent our stay aboard the H.M.S. Lamerton.

We began our lives on board the destroyer H.M.S. Vidette as soon as we embarked, they put us in the bow under the bow castle, in the stokers’ room, while the officers put them in the stern.

Every now and then someone would come in with some trousers or shirt and hand them out to those who didn’t have them.

We were already waiting for something to happen that night, and so it was.

Around 11 o’clock you hear the ship, the ringtone? That trilled damn much, we were already depressed by what had happened, here we felt the danger approaching again, but even with the fear that we were in that state and closed, we always felt that in our veins there was Italian blood and so the morale rose again, we heard for three quarters of an hour explosions and cannons,  He already foresaw what had happened.

As soon as the first explosions took place, the sentinels let us out and led us under the bow castle, ready to throw us into the sea if something happened, in the meantime we could see the English sailors taking off their heaviest clothes and inflating their life jackets, we were almost all naked and without life jackets.

We thanked God that it didn’t go badly for us. In the night there were three trills in the alarm ringer and three large-scale attacks.

In the morning they did not let us take in the air, but we could smell that there was a bad smell in the air, we could hear a murmur among these sailors that we did not understand, but by asking by means of gestures and small phrases we could understand that they said they had seen a submarine come up capsized and they had no loss.

But after two mornings that took us to get air on the deck of the convoy, only the auxiliary cruiser of 18,000 tons remained. badly damaged in the stern, four gunboats, two submarine destroyers and our squadron leader.

They remained for two more days circling this auxiliary cruiser, as it was impossible to tow it, they abandoned it and sank it by means of the “Kingston”.

So, the squadron leader headed for Gibraltar, while the other units headed for England.

Thus, we passed three-fourths of the day, the night, and in daylight we began to see the straits, and at about 1:45 PM we arrived at the stronghold of Gibraltar.”

Original Italian text by Lorenzo Colombo adapted and translated by Cristiano D’Adamo

Operational Records

TypePatrols (Med.)Patrols (Other) NM Surface NM Sub. Days at SeaNM/DayAverage Speed
Submarine – Oceanic03 15,468 229 83189.127.8

Actions

DateTimeCaptainAreaCoordinatesConvoyWeaponResultShipTypeTonnsFlag
10/25/194111:35T.V. Filippo Flores Atlantic Ocean37°27′ N-14°33′ W ArtillerySlight damageH.M.S. LamertonDestroyer1050Great Britain

Crew Members Lost

Last NameFirst NameRankItalian RankDate
Abusco ScottoTommasoJunior ChiefSottocapo10/25/1941
CastronovoGiovanniEnsignGuardiamarina10/25/1941
De SetaAntonioNaval RatingComune10/25/1941
FioriPierinoNaval RatingComune10/25/1941
RubinoFrancescoLieutenant Other BranchesCapitano G.N.10/25/1941
ZorziGherardoJunior ChiefSottocapo10/25/1941

R. Smg. Foca

Foca was a minelaying submarine of the eponymous class, type Cavallini (displacement 1,333.04 tons on the surface, 1,659.44 submerged). Foca was the class leader of the first class of minelaying submarines of the Regia Marina which finally managed to combine excellent performance (unlike the previous X 2 and Bragadin classes) and not exorbitant costs (unlike the previous Pietro Micca).

The boat completed only three war missions covering a total of 2,063 miles on the surface and 293 miles submerged for a total of 13 days of navigation.

Brief and Partial Chronology

January 15th, 1936

Setting upstarted at the Franco Tosi shipyards in Taranto.

June 27th, 1937

The Foca was launched at the Franco Tosi shipyard in Taranto. The godmother of the boat was the wife of a foreman of the Arsenal of Taranto, decorated with a star of merit for work.

The launch of Foca in Taranto

November 6th, 1937

Foca officially entered active service. Together with the twin boats Atropo and Zoea, Foca was assigned to the XLV Submarine Squadron (Taranto Submarine Group), which also included the other minelaying submarines of the Regia Marina (Pietro Micca, Marcantonio Bragadin, Filippo Corridoni, X 2 and X 3).

Among its first commanders was Lieutenant Gino Birindelli, future Gold Medal for Military Valor. In peacetime, it carried out intensive training and mine-laying exercises with inactive ordnance.

Summer 1939

The XLV Squadron becomes, following the establishment of the Submarine Squadron Command, the XLVIII Submarine Squadron. Subsequently, Foca, together with Pietro Micca, was assigned to the XV Submarine Squadron (later XVI Squadron) of the I Grupsom, based in La Spezia.

Early 1940s

Commander Vittorio Meneghini took command of the Foca.

Spring 1940

Commander Meneghini was transferred to the larger submarine Pietro Micca and was replaced in command of the Foca by Lieutenant Commander Mario Ciliberto. (According to another source, Ciliberto assumed command of the Foca from February 16th, 1939).

Foca near Taranto in 1940
(From “Sommergibili in guerra” by Achille Rastelli & Erminio Bagnasco)

June 10th, 1940

Upon Italy’s entry into the war, Foca (Lieutenant Commander Mario Ciliberto) formed together with Micca the XVI Squadron of the I Submarine Group, based in La Spezia.

June 13th, 1940

According to some sources, on this date the Foca was laying mines, standing on the surface, off Alexandria, when it was attacked by the British destroyers H.M.S. Decoy and H.M.S. Voyager (on an anti-submarine search mission together with two other destroyers, H.M.S. Stuart and H.M.S. Vampire), which forced it to dive, after which H.M.S. Voyager (Commander Morrow) subjected it to bombardment with depth charges,  but without being able to damage it.

However, Foca’s first mission would appear to have taken place on August 27th, 1940; the submarine object of the attack by H.M.S. Decoy and H.M.S. Voyager was Micca, which was sent to lay 40 mines the night of June 12th and which then remained lurking nearby, detecting considerable anti-submarine activity.

August 27th, 1940

Foca left Taranto under the command of Lieutenant Commander Ciliberto for a mission to transport supplies (weapons, fuel and provisions) to the base of Portolago, on the island of Leros (Italian Dodecanese).

September 10th, 1940

The boat departs from Leros at 11.50 PM to return to Taranto, with a new load of materials and ammunition placed in the mine holds.

September 11th, 1940

Foca made a crash dive at 5.45 AM and traveled at a depth of 40 meters until 6.55 PM. When it resurfaced and continued on the surface (with sea and wind force 3 from the southwest) towards the Cerigo channel, exchanging air and recharging the batteries.

September 12th, 1940

It crosses the Cerigo channel at five o’clock and dove with a crash dive at 5.40 AM, proceeding submerged at 40 meters until 7 PM, when it resurfaces to recharge the batteries, change the air and continue with the diesel engines on the surface (sea and wind were force 4 from the west).

September 13th, 1940

At 2.45 AM it steered to change course and at 6 AM it dove with another crash dive to 30 meters, and then continues submerged until 1 PM, when, having arrived outside the areas where hidden navigation was a must, it resurfaces and continues on the surface (sea and wind were force 4 from the northwest), again changing air and recharging the batteries.

September 14th, 1940

It dove at 5.40 AM, descending to 30 meters, at which depth it continues until 7 PM, when it emerged and headed slowly towards the landing of Santa Maria di Leuca (Puglie).

September 15th, 1940

Foca arrived at point A in Santa Maria di Leuca at 5.30 AM, when he was sent a telegram from the traffic light about meeting Italian ships. It then follows the coastal routes and at 6.20 AM headed for Taranto. After meeting the trawlers Perseo and Orata at 9 AM, Foca arrived at 12.55 PM at point “A” in San Vito, where it was recognized by the pilot ship before entering the Mar Grande. At 1:36 PM, the boat moored at the submarine quay in Mar Piccolo.

The Disappearance

At sunset on October 1st, 1940,Foca left Taranto under the command of Lieutenant Commander Mario Ciliberto, for a mine-laying mission off the important port and naval base of Haifa, British Palestine, built in 1933 and used by the Royal Navy (Palestine was under British mandate, like much of the Middle East, and goods from the Middle Eastern territories under British control all converged towards Haifa). It was supposed to be Foca’s third war mission.

One of the crewmembers, the second chief gunner Antonio Diana, who had enlisted in the Navy eleven years earlier, had just said goodbye to his young wife Angela, whom he had married a year before, after having given her his last paycheck, except twenty cents for the newspaper, and her wedding ring, which he intended to give to St. Anthony as a thanks on his return from the mission. He was calm, confident both in the protection of St. Anthony and in the power of the Italian diving fleet, the largest in the world. Another career soldier, the sailor electrician first class Gualtiero Vannucci, had been on board the Foca since November 30th, 1938, and considered it “his” submarine.

The next day, having passed Crotone, the submarine rounded Cape Colonne and set course for Alexandria in Egypt, to reach the point predetermined by the Submarine Command (Maricosom), i.e. 33°30′ N and 30°00′ E, one hundred miles north of Alexandria, from where it would continue on an easterly course towards the bay of Haifa.

On the basis of Operation Order No. 102 – received from Rome on September 28th  – Foca was to arrive at the assigned point (32°49’36” N and 34°49’51” E) on October 13th or 14th, approaching the assigned area around dawn, and was to lay 20 mines model TV 200/800 (produced by Officine Franco Tosi, each weighing one ton and loaded with 200 kg of molten TNT) starting from the point 6 miles by 267° from the lighthouse of Cape Carmel (Palestine) and then proceeding along the 350° direction. A first row of six mines was to be laid with an interval of 50 meters between each device, then the submarine was to leave an empty space of 500 meters before laying the second and third group of mines, respectively of six and eight mines, also spaced 500 meters apart and with the mines each 50 meters from each other. The mines were to be placed at a depth of four meters, on a seabed a hundred meters deep.

32°49’36” N – 34°49’51” E

In addition to the 20 mines destined for the Haifa barrage (and placed in the mine holds), Foca carried another 16 unarmed mines in the horizontal torpedo tubes – thus finding itself with a full load of ordnance – with which it was supposed to carry out tests (laying of “experimental” control barrages, to be carried out within 48 hours from the end of the mission in a sector designated by the IV Submarine Group in agreement with Marina Taranto and to verify the behavior of the triggers when the ordnance was placed in the horizontal tubes) during the return navigation, which would have taken place along the same routes as the outward journey. It was also envisaged, as a secondary objective, the possibility of attacking enemy ships that were spotted during navigation.

The large mine holds of Foca seeing from stern

Between there and back, the boat would have had to travel over 2,000 miles (at night on the surface, during the day submerged; the last stretch entirely submerged and with electric motors, so as not to be spotted by British reconnaissance planes that would have thwarted the mission). Throughout the journey, Foca was supposed to maintain total radio silence. The mission had been timed to coincide with the full moon (which would occur on the night of October15th-16th), so as to make it easier for the Foca to spot any threats during the night.

At the same time as Foca, according to the same order of operation, her sister ship Zoea also took to the sea, with the task of laying a minefield off the coast of Jaffa (now Tel Aviv).

On October 14th, the Commander-in-Chief of the Submarine Squadron informed Benghazi that on October 17th Foca was to pass, coming from the east and heading northwest, about fifteen miles northeast of Ras el Tin. The return to Taranto was scheduled for October 23rd, preceded by the Zoea by one day. But Foca never passed off Ras el Tin, nor did it arrive at Taranto on the scheduled date or later.

On November 22nd, 1940, Maricosom reported to the command of the IV Submarine Group of Taranto that another submarine, Brin, believed it had sighted the Foca outside the obstructions of the Taranto base, but unfortunately it must have been a mistake.

On June 5th, 1941, the General Directorate of Personnel and Military Services of the Ministry of the Navy contacted the Italian Red Cross and claimed that diplomatic representatives of two unspecified neutral states had verbally stated that Foca had been captured with all its crew, and that the enemy had kept quiet about the news. In urging the CRI (Italian Red Cross) to investigate the matter, the Ministry of the Navy attached the list of the crew of the Foca. But the “rumors” of the “diplomatic representatives” were unfounded.

Nothing more was heard of Foca and the 69 men of his crew. October 23rd, 1940, the date of their failure to return to base, was given as the presumed date of death of the crew members. The next day, the wife of second-in-command Mario Della Cananea, Angelina Liuzzi – the two had only been married for nine months – gave birth to the couple’s son, Franco.

Out of 26 Italian submarines lost in the Mediterranean with no survivors, Foca, together with the smaller Smeraldo, remains one of only two boats for which not even the post-war analysis of the Allied archives has led to the identification of a plausible cause for their sinking. No British ship or aircraft claimed the sinking or damage of an enemy submarine at a place and date consistent with those of the Foca’s disappearance.

It can only be assumed that the Foca was the victim of the same devices for which he was born: mines. It seems likely that this took place between October 12th and 15th, 1940 (possibly  October 13th).

Whether the submarine jumped on a British defensive barrage (which, however, according to some British sources, would not have been present in the waters of Haifa at the time), or was the victim of the accidental detonation of one of its mines during the laying (as similar accidents, although without serious consequences, occurred to the twin boats Atropos and Zoea could lead one to suspect it) is unfortunately not known.

After the loss of the Foca and the accidents that occurred at Atropos and Zoea, the poor efficiency and high danger of the submarine mine models in use were noted, and it was decided to abandon underwater covert mining. Atropos and Zoea were used as transport submarines for the remainder of the war.

Commander Ciliberto left behind his young wife Maria, whom he had married in June 1940, a few days before leaving for war. He was awarded the Silver Medal of Military Valor in Memory, with the following motivation: “Commander of minelaying submarines, he carried out the laying of three barrages in particularly dangerous waters guarded by the enemy, he demonstrated high qualities of tenacity and courage. In the fulfilment of his duty, he disappeared at sea, sacrificing, with extreme dedication, his existence to his homeland.”

Lieutenant Commander Mario Ciliberto

In the 70s Crotone named a nautical technical institute in memory of Commander Ciliberto, and in 2001 also a square in the city (Piazza Mario Ciliberto).

In August 2016, Belgian diver Jean-Pierre Misson announced that he had “found” the wreck of the Foca in the waters of Ras el Hilal, on the Libyan coast, “identifying” the wreckage from a sonar image he obtained in 2012. The news, very inopportunely, was picked up and spread by some local media, in particular the newspapers “Il Crotonese” and “La provincia crotonese” (Crotone being the city of the last commander of the Foca, Mario Ciliberto) and even on the otherwise excellent website www.sommergibilefoca.it (where anyone is free to look at the photos of the sonar scans, provided by Misson himself: it is quite evident – except,  apparently, to the authors of the site – how forced and far-fetched are the “correlations” invented by Misson to look for correspondences between the historical photos of the Foca and the sonar scans of his imaginary “wreck”. Never as in this case, unfortunately, is the saying that “the eyes only see what the mind wants to see” valid).

On the reliability of Jean-Pierre Misson’s statements, we limit ourselves to reporting the following, leaving it to the reader to decide.

Over the last few years, Misson claimed to have found in two very small bodies of water (a few square kilometers), off the coast of Tabarka (Tunisia) and Ras el Hilal (Libya), no less than ten submarines (the British Urge and the Italians Argonauta, Foca, Dessiè, Asteria, Avorio, Porphyry and Cobalt, as well as others to which, thank God,  he did not “succeed” in putting a name on it), the British destroyer H.M.S. Quentin, the Italian tanker Picci Fassio, the German motor torpedo boat S 35 and probably other wrecks, a few hundred meters away from each other (which would already be, in itself, almost improbable). See, in this regard, the heated discussions on the AIDMEN forum as well as Misson’s claims that in some cases, through journalists completely inexperienced in the subject, have unfortunately reached the newspapers (this is the case, in addition to Foca, also of the British Urge). All the “finds”, with a methodology completely unacceptable for any serious search for a wreck, took place through the “interpretation” of very vague shadows recorded by sonar, without a single dive on the imaginary wrecks in question.

Most of the above-mentioned vessels, unlike the Foca, had survivors among their crews, and both these survivors and the units responsible for the sinkings recorded, at the time, the positions of these sinkings. From this it appears with certainty that all the submarines and ships mentioned above sank in places tens if not hundreds of miles distant from those where Misson claims to have found them; but this does not discourage Misson from claiming that all those who recorded such positions were grossly wrong in their surveys by several tens of miles (quite impossible, especially when we are talking about almost fifteen different units), while he does not remotely take into consideration that he may have been wrong in identifying the sonar images of the “wrecks” in question.

These sonar images, in reality, appear to any impartial observer as nothing more than vague and indistinguishable gouges, not identifiable in any way and which in all probability do not show any wreck, or other man-made object; it is Misson who “sees” the wreckage, turning every shadow detected by his sonar into a “submarine”. Exemplary, in this regard, is the procedure of “identification” of the “wreck” of H.M.S. Urge, even announced in the newspapers: in support of his thesis, Misson contacted a sonar image expert to identify the vague sonar image he attributed to the wreck of H.M.S. Urge, but the latter, having viewed the image, denied the possibility of identifying it.

This did not slow down Misson in the slightest, who reaffirmed his self-referential identification of the Urge, and then took care not to ask for other expert opinions (which could only have been negative, since there was no wreckage) for subsequent “identifications”. Even more grotesque is the attribution of the causes of the sinking of these units: if ignoring the fact that they are known with certainty for all the ships and submarines indicated (except Foca and perhaps Argonauta), Misson attributes a large part of the sinkings of the “submarines” of Tabarka to a phantom minefield present in those waters.

In fact, it is known with certainty that there was no minefield at Tabarka except one that was laid only after almost all the sinkings mentioned, and therefore cannot be the cause. Again, that doesn’t seem to bother Misson in the slightest. For the units for which he could not invent an impossible sinking on non-existent mines, Misson claimed that they (including submarines, indeed, first) drifted for tens of miles before sinking, conveniently, all in the patch of sea inspected by his sonar, although it is clear from the reports of the time that these units sank at the sites of the attacks, without drifting.

All this is trusted to say a lot about the validity of Jean-Pierre Misson’s “discoveries”. The news of the discovery of the Foca near Ras el Hilal is unfortunately to be considered as completely unfounded.

Original Italian text by Lorenzo Colombo adapted and translated by Cristiano D’Adamo

Operational Records

TypePatrols (Med.)Patrols (Other) NM Surface NM Sub. Days at SeaNM/DayAverage Speed
Submarine – Medium Range3 2,063 293 13181.237.55

Crew Members Lost

Last NameFirst NameRankItalian RankDate
AbainiFrancoNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
ArgellatiLuigiNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
BattistoliAugustoNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
BianchiFerruccioChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe10/12/1940
BottigniGiovanniNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
BrunettiFeliceNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
CalaminiMarioChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe10/12/1940
CapovillaFedericoNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
CerretoPellegrinoNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
CheliAntonioNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
CilibertoMarioLieutenant CommanderCapitano di Corvetta10/12/1940
ConsiglieriAlfredoNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
CoppiOronzoChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe10/12/1940
CorazzaWalterNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
CoridiBrunoChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe10/12/1940
CozzolinoAlfredoNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
D’adelfioGiuseppeNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
Della CananeaMarioLieutenantTenente di Vascello10/12/1940
DianaAntonioChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe10/12/1940
DigosciuTommasoChief 1st ClassCapo di 1a Classe10/12/1940
DoglioRiccardoJunior ChiefSottocapo10/12/1940
DogliottiLivioJunior ChiefSottocapo10/12/1940
DringoliAngeloNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
EmanuelliLuigiLieutenant Other BranchesCapitano G.N.10/12/1940
FavaroDemetrioChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe10/12/1940
GennaroGiuseppeNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
GhirardiAurelioJunior ChiefSottocapo10/12/1940
GirardiSilvioJunior ChiefSottocapo10/12/1940
GoriOsvaldoNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
GrippaGianNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
La SpadaUgoEnsignGuardiamarina10/12/1940
LandiCarloNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
LanducciOmeroChief 1st ClassCapo di 1a Classe10/12/1940
MagniEgistoNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
MaioliParideNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
MalandrinoGiuseppeSergeantSergente10/12/1940
MasiAttilioSergeantSergente10/12/1940
NataliFiorenzoSergeantSergente10/12/1940
OuvieriDomenicoChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe10/12/1940
PaderniMarioNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
PaganoGaetanoNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
ParetoLinoNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
PastorelliErnestoSublieutenantSottotenente di Vascello10/12/1940
PelusoSebastianoSergeantSergente10/12/1940
PerducaGaleazzeChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe10/12/1940
PianetaFrancescoNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
PicazioGaetanoChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe10/12/1940
PiconeSalvatoreNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
PignatiPietroNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
PiniAmedeoChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe10/12/1940
PipinoGiovanniChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe10/12/1940
PisaniRenatoSublieutenantSottotenente di Vascello10/12/1940
PreziosiMarioNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
PriscoGiuseppeNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
RomeoDiegoNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
RossiSarnoNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
RutiglianoAntonioNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
SalernitanoCarmineNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
SassoliMarioChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe10/12/1940
SchiavoneCiroNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
ScoccabarozziSeverinoJunior ChiefSottocapo10/12/1940
SignoracciElioNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
SpanoGiuseppeJunior ChiefSottocapo10/12/1940
TorrisiAngeloNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
TraversoAngeloNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
TrentoAdrianoSublieutenant G.N.Tenente G.N.10/12/1940
VannucciGualtieroNaval RatingComune10/12/1940
VastolaVincenzoJunior ChiefSottocapo10/12/1940
VolpasiDomingoSublieutenant G.N.Tenente G.N.10/12/1940

R. Smg. Torricelli

Evangelista Torricelli was an oceanic submarine of the Brin class. Torricelli and Archimede, laid down a year later than the other three units of the class (Brin, Guglielmotti and Galvani), presented several differences compared to prior series: greater displacement on the surface (1,110.14 tons instead of 1,016.92) and submerged (1,402.53 tons instead of 1,265.77), greater length (76.22 meters instead of 72.50), and draft (4.30 meters instead of 4.20) but a smaller beam (6.72 meters instead of 6.80).

The maximum speed on the surface was also marginally higher (17.47 knots compared to 17.37 knots for the first three units). The surface range was 1,520 miles at 17 knots and 6,109 miles at 8 knots in normal load (for the first three of the Brim class it was, respectively, 1,580 and 5,662 miles in the same conditions) and 2,845 miles at 17 knots and 11,503 miles at 8 knots in overload (for the first three, 2,861 and 9,753 miles). The submerged range was 10 miles at 8.6 knots (instead of 9 miles at 8.5 knots) and 120 miles at 4 knots (instead of 90 miles at 4 knots).

Torricelli with the deck gun mounted on the cunning tower, a design typical of the Brin Class

Originally, the Brin class was to comprise only three submarines (Brin, Guglielmotti and Galvani). Torricelli and Archimede were built to replace two previous units of the same name, belonging to the Archimede class (built in 1934) and ceded in April 1937 to the Spanish Nationalist Navy. To conceal this transfer, which was not intended to become public knowledge (since Italy should not have intervened in the Spanish Civil War), the previous Torricelli and Archimede were not officially removed from the roster of the navy, and the two new submarines that took their place were built with “spare parts” of the units of the Brin class; Their construction was shrouded in secrecy.

Brief and Partial Chronology

December 23rd, 1937

Set-up started at the Franco Tosi shipyards in Taranto.

March 26th, 1939

Torricelli was launch at the Franco Tosi shipyard in Taranto.

The launch of Torricelli

May 7th, 1939

Official entry into service. Together with the other four boats of the same class, it formed the XLI Submarine Squadron. Its first commander was the Lieutenant Commander Alessandro Michelagnoli.

In the months leading up to the start of the Second World War, Torricelli and the other units of the class carried out particularly intense training activities and numerous exercises, with the aim of understanding what were the optimal conditions for the use of the Brin-class submarines.

April 12th, 1940

Salvatore Pelosi took command of the Torricelli, replacing Lieutenant Commander Michelagnoli.

April 1940

Torricelli (Lieutenant Commander Salvatore Pelosi) was transferred to the Red Sea, assigned to the base of Massawa, in Eritrea (Italian East Africa). Torricelli and the twin boat Galvani were sent to Italian East Africa to replace two small cruise submarines, Iride and Onice, which returned to the Mediterranean.

Torricelli before the war

June 10th, 1940

At the time of Italy’s entry into World War II, Torricelli (Lieutenant Commander Salvatore Pelosi) was part of the LXXXII Submarine Squadron, part of the VIII Submarine Group based in Massawa, together with her sister ship Archimede and the small submarines Perla and Macallè.

The plans of the Higher Naval Command of Italian East Africa for the operations of the first days of the war did not provide for the use of the Torricelli, which was one of the four submarines that should initially have remained in Massawa in reserve. To economize, it was considered inappropriate to immediately employ all the submarines at the same time: the initial plan was to send three of them on missions, then increased to four, out of eight. Then, however, both for the decision to take a more offensive course and to replace the units lost or returned to base due to damage, all eight boats ended up taking to the sea within the first eleven days.

On June 14, 1940, however, the submarine Galileo Ferraris had to return to base prematurely due to a battery failure, interrupting its mission in the sector of operations off Djibouti (French colony, still enemy in those first days of war): the same day, therefore, the Torricelli, under the command of Lieutenant Commander Salvatore Pelosi, sailed from Massawa to replace the Ferraris in the ambush area off Djibouti.

The Torricelli had to stop at Assab on June 16th and 17th to repair some breakdowns (related to the cooling of diesel engines) that occurred during navigation. Once those problems were resolved, the boat continued towards the ambush area (southeast of Ras el Bir), but on June 17th it experienced a new breakdown while it was south of Perim. This time one of the pumps of the air conditioning system failed. The boat rested on the seabed, 52 meters deep at that point, to carry out repairs, in hellish conditions: the heat and humidity were such that a thick “fog” had formed inside the submarine, so much so that inside the compartments the visibility did not exceed one and a half meters. From time to time, oxygen was introduced into the air inside the submarine. The kitchen was shut down to prevent them from further aggravating the heat and humidity.

Once this problem was resolved, Torricelli resumed navigation and finally arrived in the ambush area (Gulf of Tagiura, in the waters of Djibouti) at dawn on June 19th, after having crossed the strait of Bab-el-Mandeb (Gate of Grief or the Gate of Tears) without incident, thus entering the Indian Ocean.

For the rest of the day, the submarine lay in ambush in the assigned area, in very precarious conditions: turbulent sea (one source speaks of a violent tropical storm), with consequent nautical difficulties, and at the same time infernal temperatures, which in the narrow spaces inside Torricelli reached 45 degrees aggravated by a humidity close to 100%. On the evening of June 19th, the order arrived from Massawa to move on the evening of the 21st to a new area, located further south/southeast (towards British Somaliland), whose borders were marked to the north by the parallel of the island of Muscia/Moussa (northeast of Djibouti) and to the east by the meridian of Arab Shoal, and remain there until July 24th.

In essence, the new sector was triangular in shape, with a side of 12 miles; the coast of Somalia, dotted with rocks and shallows, represented its base, while the Arab Shoal, another shallow that extended for a few miles with a minimum depth of four meters, constituted its apex. If necessary, the boat would have to move to the southeast.

Having the doubt that there might have been some error in the compilation of the message received, given that the new sector was very dangerous for navigation due to the shallows of the Arab Shoal area, Commander Pelosi asked for and obtained confirmation, after which on June 21st Torricelli moved to the new ambush area.

On June 21st, Torricelli sighted the British destroyer H.M.S.  Kingston, and maneuvered to attack it. Before being able to complete the attack, however, at 11:09, the submarine was in turn attacked by H.M.S.  Khartoum, twin and sectional of H.M.S.  Kingston, in position 11°52′ N and 43°14′ E (according to a source, the sloop H.M.S.   Shoreham would also have participated in this action).

In retrospect it was assumed that the exchange of radio messages between Torricelli and Massawa regarding the new orders, which took place on 19 June, had been intercepted, and the messages perhaps deciphered with the help of ciphers captured a few days earlier on the submarine Galileo Galilei, and that this had alarmed the British Command in Aden, inducing it to send destroyers. That does indeed seem to be true; according to one source, the British radio direction finders sent the Torricelli’s transmissions to the scene, sending destroyers to the scene.

H.M.S.  Khartoum sighted the Torricelli on the port bow, at a distance of only 18 meters, and went on the attack. This was followed by a brief but heavy anti-submarine hunt by the British destroyers which, Pelosi believed, in addition to launching depth charges probably also used towing torpedoes. The internal temperature of the submarine, which was forced to remain submerged and motionless to reduce the probability of being detected, was between 45 and 50 degrees. Passing through the engine room, Pelosi saw one of the engineers, the youngest member of the crew (he was only 18 years old, Antonio Ferri, from Ischia), who was smiling, and asked him: “Are you crazy?”, and he replied: “No, commander, I find it simply ironic that today is my birthday, and the enemy is bombing us“. (Ferri, who was decorated with the War Cross for Military Velour, survived the sinking of Torricelli and seven years of imprisonment in India; he continued to serve in the Navy after the war, embarking on a minesweeper and reaching the rank of chief engineer. Torricelli would remain etched in his mind until his death, which occurred in the 90s following a car accident, similarly to his former commander).

Lieutenant Commander Salvatore Pelosi

Due to a violent sandstorm which broke out during the hunt and lasted all day eliminating visibility and forcing the destroyers to leave the British units had to stop the hunt after the first two depth charge attacks (Pelosi thought they had left to avoid the risk of being attacked with torpedoes during the night).

The British commander, Commander Robson of the destroyer H.M.S. Kandahar (which was part of the same squadron as H.M.S. Kingston and H.M.S. Khartoum), was not willing to let his prey escape: with his ships, he placed himself in patrol of the Perim Strait, near the coast of Yemen.

The bursts of depth charges, aimed by eye at a target that was visible without the need for specific instruments, caused serious damage to the submarine’s systems: the planes, the internal communication systems, the gyrocompass and the magnetic compass were put out of action. The outer tanks were damaged and leaking fuel, while inside water was seeping from the propeller shaft sleeves.

Overall, the damage was such as to make it impossible for Torricelli to stay any longer in the ambush area. Commander Pelosi had to make the decision to return to Massawa for the necessary repairs. There was no shortage of nautical difficulties on the return voyage either, but in the early morning hours of June 23rd Torricelli recrossed the strait of Bab-el-Mandeb, returning to the Red Sea.

Problems began at 4:30 AM on June 23rd, when the Torricelli sighted an enemy torpedo boat not far away, off Dimeila and the island of Perim. It was not, in fact, a torpedo boat, but the British sloop H.M.S. Shoreham, which had sighted the submarine at 4:18 AM, from about 2300 meters away, and had maneuvered to approach and ram it, not seeming that the submarine had seen it (for another version, the submarine was sighted about 3 miles away from H.M.S. Kingston, which directed it towards it,  but at this point Torricelli dove; then H.M.S. Shoreham intervened). On the Torricelli a crash dive was ordered and at 4:20 AM, H.M.S. Kingston, which was nearby, lit up the target, and as the Italian boat submerged, H.M.S. Shoreham launched a single depth charge, which caused no serious damage. After a rather short time, the enemy ship seemed to move away towards Perim (as it appeared from listening to the hydrophone), and Commander Pelosi decided to emerge to move away to the surface at the highest possible speed, towards the northwest, in order to get under the protection of Assab’s coastal batteries as soon as possible.

This decision was based on the following considerations: the current would have prevented them from leaving that area before dawn by sailing submerged, and given the already advanced hour; it was impossible to perch on the seabed, because there were no adequate seabed in the immediate vicinity (reaching such depths would have required a rather long navigation, and to counter the strong current it would have been necessary to proceed at a strong pace, thus risking being heard by the enemy). During daylight hours, oil leaks would have revealed the position of the submarine.

Trying to settle on the seabed or to go away diving would have required in any case a dive that was too prolonged for the debilitated physical condition of the crew, exhausted by the consequences of the failure of the air conditioning system. On the basis of the magnitude of the attack suffered, and the information received in Massawa before leaving for the mission, Commander Pelosi also judged that the ship that had attacked the Torricelli must almost certainly have been a gunboat with a speed of 13 knots, five less than the maximum speed of the Italian submarine, which would therefore have managed to catch up with it on the surface.

Before emerging, however, Pelosi carefully scanned the horizon with the periscope; in the moonlight (there was a full moon) and in the first glow of dawn the captain of the Torricelli sighted a gunboat from the stern, very far away, which was aiming at Perim with a course opposite to his own (it was H.M.S. Shoreham). Seeing his assumptions thus confirmed, Commander Pelosi gave the order to surface. The submarine then came to the surface, put its engines at full force (reaching a speed of 17.5 knots) and prepared to face a fight on the surface by any means, should the need arise.

And the need was not long in coming, because about five minutes after having reached the surface the gunboat spotted to the periscope reversed course and headed for Torricelli; shortly afterwards another gunboat materialized in the direction of the archipelago of the “Seven Brothers”, also approaching, and only a few minutes passed before as many as three destroyers appeared from the Small Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb, approaching at full strength. It was all too evident that Torricelli had fallen into a carefully crafted trap.

It was about 5:30 AM on June 23rd, 1940, and the submarine was at that time north of Perim and the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait. According to British sources, the units involved in the action were the destroyers H.M.S. Kandahar (Commander William Geoffrey Arthur Robson), H.M.S. Kingston (Commander Philip Somerville) and H.M.S. Khartoum (Commander Donald Thorn Dowler), and the sloop H.M.S. Shoreham (Lieutenant Commander Francis Duppa Miller), all British. Commander Pelosi in his report, however, also mentions a second gunboat, for a total of five ships involved in the action; Italian sources, including the USMM volume on naval operations in East Africa, give this second gunboat the name “Indus”, but in reality, there was no Commonwealth ship with this name. However, there was in Aden, at that time, the gunboat (sloop) Indus of the Indian Navy, which could well be the “Indus” of which we speak; but no official British source mentions his participation in the battle in which the Torricelli was sunk.

An interesting and detailed article by Captain R. F. Channon of the Royal Navy, published in the Naval Review of October 1994, seems perhaps to shed some light on the matter. In his article, in fact, Channon states that after the first attack against the Torricelli on June 21st and interrupted by the sandstorm, Commander Robson, of the Kandahar and of the group of destroyers employed in that mission, decided to organize a patrol in the Strait of Perim, to intervene if destroyers were sent from Massawa to help the Torricelli. To this end, in the early hours of June 23rd, a patrol line was set up along the strait to carry out a sweep in a south-easterly direction, consisting of five ships staggered along the Perim Strait: from southwest to northeast, there were H.M.S. Shoreham, H.M.S. Khartoum, H.M.S. Kingston, H.M.S. Kandahar and H.M.S.  Flamingo. The Flamingo (Commander John Herbert Huntley) was also a sloop, not unlike H.M.S. Shoreham and Indus: it seems likely that this was the second gunboat and fifth ship sighted by Commander Pelosi, and not the Indus, although it is unclear if and how much she took part in the subsequent fight. Apart from Channon, British sources almost never mention the presence of this fifth unit.

For the Torricelli, the situation was presented as having no way out: the five enemy ships covered the entire horizon, and to their armament, which altogether counted twenty-two 100 or 120 mm guns and about fifty 12.7 and 40 mm machine guns, the Torricelli could oppose only one 100 mm gun and four 13.2 mm machine guns. Nevertheless, Commander Pelosi decided to do battle on the surface. (Various sources report that the Torricelli was unable to dive, but the reasons given are very different depending on the source: generic failure, or serious damage caused by previous attacks with depth charges, or a malfunction of the ballast tanks; still others – in all likelihood, erroneously – speak instead of toxic fumes of methyl chloride or damage caused by air strikes,  of which, however, there is no trace in the official history of the USMM.

The USMM’s “Lost Naval Vessels” simply states that “given the damage (suffered in the previous hunt) a disengagement while submerged was not possible.” Vincent O’Hara’s “Struggle for the Middle Sea” provides perhaps the most convincing explanation: the serious damage suffered in the previous attacks, and along with it the clear waters of the area, in which even a submerged submarine was easily visible – a situation aggravated by the conspicuous fuel leaks from the damaged tanks – made the Torricelli too easy prey for four or five anti-submarine vessels.  that would leave the boat no way out).

At 5:30 AM, Torricelli opened fire with her deck gun from about 5,000 (6,000 meters) away, engaging H.M.S. Shoreham. The British ships were quick to respond: an unequal fight was unleashed that would last for over 40 minutes. The second shot fired by the Torricelli was successful, hitting the bow of H.M.S. Shoreham, which abandoned the fight and moved away accompanied by the second gunboat, returning to Aden in the afternoon for repairs. This is according to the estimate of Commander Pelosi and the history written at the time by the USMM, also taken up by some British sources. British official sources, however, state that two shots from Torricelli fell immediately forward of H.M.S. Shoreham, narrowly missing it, but without hitting it. H.M.S. Kingston, which led the destroyers, opened fire at 5:36 AM with its forward guns, followed by H.M.S. Kandahar and H.M.S. Khartoum as soon as they came within range.

While the salvos of the British ships fell into the water all around, Torricelli maneuvered with caution in order to hinder the aim of the enemy ships, which in fact struggled to adjust their shot, and in the meantime continued undaunted to fire at a fast pace with his only cannon. Jamming several times, the gun was put back into working order each time to continue fighting.

After the first phase of the fight, the two gunboats began to conclude the engagement, and one of them pulled up and began to move away. The destroyers, on the other hand, continued to approach cautiously, trying to widen the “beta” in order to surround Torricelli. When they were within the launch circle, the submarine successively launched the four stern torpedoes. The calm of the sea, however, made the wakes particularly visible, and all torpedoes were thus avoided with rapid turns (according to one source, all four torpedoes were launched against H.M.S. Kingston, which avoided them with the maneuver). This maneuver, however, had the beneficial effect of further disturbing the British fire, and inducing the British ships to approach with greater caution, prolonging the clash and postponing the inevitable end of the Torricelli.

From the outer tanks of the Torricelli there was now abundant oil, which formed a wide wake in which the boat moved; The mechanism that allowed the gun to fire jammed three times, and in order to continue firing it was necessary to hit it with a hammer. Columns of water raised by cannon shells rose all around.

When they came at close range, the destroyers opened fire with their larger-caliber machine guns, sweeping the hull and conning tower of Torricelli; the latter, for his part, in turn opened fire with his machine guns as soon as the distance allowed it, “with evident results on the planks of the enemy destroyers” (according to the report drawn up by the C.I.S. on the loss of the submarine; but on the British side there would be no casualties among the crews of the ships involved). One version claims that Torricelli’s machine guns hit H.M.S. Kingston, but this is denied by British sources, who claim that the only damage suffered by H.M.S. Kingston in the engagement was self-inflicted, caused by a 40 mm machine gun shell hitting a cable, injuring eight men. According to Vincent O’Hara’s “Struggle for the Middle Sea”, after this event the British destroyers, which were previously trying to mow down the crew of the Torricelli but without sinking the boat, to allow a boarding and capture, changed their attack mode and began to fire with the aim of sinking the submarine. Khartoum reported that some of the cannon fire fired by Torricelli at the Kingston fell “unpleasantly close” to the latter but did not hit it.

At 6:05 AM a 120 mm shell hit Torricelli in the forward trim box and, bursting, sent water into the launch chamber, although without breaking through the bulkhead. At the same time, the fire of the British machine guns seriously damaged the forward planes (“partially removed” according to the C.I.S.) and a piece of shrapnel wounded Commander Pelosi in the ankle. (The British had the impression that they had fired a cannon on the submarine’s conning tower.)

At 6.08 AM the rudder failed (a secondary source attributes this failure to a British hit, but this is probably an error), causing the Torricelli to violently pull over onto portside; the British ships, now only 200 meters away (400 according to the report sent to Italy in 1940 by Commander Pelosi), attempted to board, continuing in the meantime to fire all their weapons, but most of the shells continued to explode around the submarine (“miraculously leaving the personnel unharmed“, according to Commander Pelosi’s report; but this seems strange,  since among the crew of the Torricelli there were six casualties who, probably, died from British fire during the fighting). At 6.10 AM the Italian unit, now ungovernable, was surrounded by enemy ships, which poured an avalanche of shots on it from a very short distance; at this point Commander Pelosi, considering it impossible to cause further damage to the enemy, and judging that the Torricelli would be destroyed within a few minutes, gave the order to scuttle the submarine and save the crew.

As soon as the second-in-command confirmed the execution of the sinking order, Pelosi gave the order to abandon ship; He wanted to stay on board, to follow the fate of his boat. The crew refused to go to sea without their captain, and Pelosi reiterated the order, adding that there was no time to lose. In the end it was his own men who dragged him into the sea, while Torricelli sank in position 12°34′ N and 43°16′ E (or 12°35′ N and 43°15′ E), west of the island of Perim. The submarine sank slowly, with the national flag still flying and saluted by the crew; the boat disappeared from view at 6:24 AM.

A few men helped Commander Pelosi, who was struggling to move and unable to swim due to the wound he had sustained earlier (and who later fainted momentarily from that wound), to stay afloat. The group of castaways, including Commander Pelosi, was rescued about ten minutes later by H.M.S. Kandahar. Pelosi was received with military honors by Commander Robson. He had noticed Pelosi already in the water, where he had gathered the other castaways around him and given them a short speech, after which he had thrown away his cap. Having witnessed this, Robson told his signal sergeant to mark the man, and to bring him to the bridge as soon as they had hoisted him on board. As Pelosi climbed the ladder, Robson realized he wasn’t dressed appropriately to receive him given the time of morning, he was still wearing his green pajamas. He then put his commander’s cap on his head and greeted Pelosi by congratulating him on his valiant fight against such superior forces, and expressing his sorrow for the loss of his unit (“I am sorry that you have lost your ship, but this is war. Allow me to express our highest admiration for such valiant conduct“);

Then he asked him if he wanted a drink. The Italian said no, and the Englishman then tried to ask, “Maybe you’d like a bath and some breakfast?” to which Pelosi angrily replied: “Sink my brand new submarine and offer me a bath! Bah!” Robson explained, “But I was offering you a sip of cognac” and this time Pelosi agreed; “Cognac, yes” The two opposing commanders then drank cognac together.

Meanwhile, H.M.S. Kingston recovered a second group of survivors, including the second-in-command. H.M.S. Khartoum rescued 16 survivors of Torricelli from the sea; 14 of them were transferred to H.M.S. Kingston after about ten minutes, while of the remaining two one died shortly after the rescue despite an attempt at artificial respiration (he was buried at sea shortly after), and the other was detained on board the Khartoum because he showed symptoms of partial drowning, and the ship’s doctor had decided to keep him on board in order to keep him under observation.

H.M.S. Kandahar and H.M.S. Kingston, running out of fuel, headed together for Aden, where they disembarked the prisoners, while H.M.S. Khartoum remained to patrol the Perim Strait. On the way to Aden, three of Torricelli’s fallen soldiers were buried at sea by H.M.S. Kandahar and H.M.S. Kingston with military honors.

For his valiant fight against overwhelming forces, Commander Pelosi would be decorated with the Gold Medal of Military Valor.

According to the sailor Edmund Carroll of H.M.S. Kandahar, the casualties caused among the crew of Torricelli by the fighting were joined by others caused by sharks, which attacked the survivors as the submarine sank: “Between all three, our destroyers had an armament of eighteen 120 mm guns, and the Italian commander must have understood that he had no chance with his only gun. We maneuvered in such a way as to prevent him from being able to launch torpedoes, after which a couple of well-placed shots swept away the Italian gun and its penners. The submarine was slowly sinking in sailing trim and the crew was already abandoning it, when we were horrified to see the dorsal fins of dozens of sharks zigzagging among those poor people. We heard the screams as they were eaten alive. All our lifeboats were quickly put to sea. I was at the 12.7 mm machine gun and the commander ordered me to fire short bursts to induce the Italians to return on board the submarine, which was still afloat, and thus save them from the sharks, but the only result was to induce even more men to throw themselves into the sea, because they misunderstood the intentions of our commander. While our boats were retrieving the survivors they could find, only the conning tower of the submarine was still visible; A lifeboat came alongside her and our large, sturdy helmsman leaned out and dragged the Italian commander out. On the way back to Aden, the officers’ saloon at Kandahar was used as an operating theatre, and our surgeon did a magnificent job of reducing the suffering of the Italians, some of whom were horribly mutilated. He was then decorated.” However, no other source, Italian or British, seems to mention sharks in describing the last fight and the sinking of the Torricelli.

Out of the 59 men who made up the crew of the Torricelli, 53 were rescued and taken prisoner by the British units, while six men lost their lives: four were killed, and two missing.

Of the 53 survivors, two would never return from captivity in India: the sub-chief radio telegraphist Carmelo Di Raimondo died of illness in India on March 18th, 1941, and the militarized Ettore Zavatta, a guarantee worker of the Tosi company, also died in captivity in India on June 1st, 1941, for the same cause.

Casualties among the crew of the Torricelli:

  • Davide Cecio, radio telegraph sailor, 20 years old, from Naples, fallen
  • Carmelo Di Raimondo, sub-chief radiotelegraphist, 21 years old, from Pagliara (Messina), died in captivity
  • Pietro Racchelli, torpedo sailor, 19 years old, from Schio (Vicenza), missing
  • Nando Rando, sailor stoker and naval engineman, 19 years old, from Rome, fallen
  • Angelo Sanna, chief torpedo pilot third class, 32 years old, from Sassari, fallen
  • Angelo Salvato Signore, sailor electrician, 21 years old, from Monteroni (Lecce), who fell
  • Pierino Sorba, sailor, 20 years old, from San Damiano (Asti), missing
  • Ettore Zavatta, militarized worker, 36 years old, from Rimini, died in captivity

The motivation for the Gold Medal for Military Valor awarded to Lieutenant Commander Salvatore Alfonso Nicola Pelosi, born in Montella (Avellino) on April 10, 1906:

“Commander of a submarine deployed in distant and very treacherous waters, during an arduous mission carried out in extremely adverse environmental conditions, discovered and subjected to prolonged hunting by numerous torpedo boats, seeing that it was impossible to disengage, he emerged accepting the combat in obvious conditions of inferiority. After opening fire with his cannon and machine guns, he engaged in epic close quarters combat against three destroyers and two gunboats. The torpedoes were also launched, short of ammunition and with the unit repeatedly hit, and himself wounded, he decided to save his sailors and sank the boat which disappeared with the flag saluted by the brave crew. In the unequal fight, the submarine sank a Ct. and inflicted damage on the remaining enemy units. Dragged into the sea by the sailors who had refused to abandon him, he was supported by them when, as a result of his wound, he lost consciousness. Those to whom he had shown the path of honor and duty thus gave back to the Nation and to the Navy one of its best sons, so that he might still be allowed to work for the good of the Fatherland. A magnificent example of a man and an officer to whom the enemy himself has paid admiration and respect.

South Red Sea, 21 – 22 – 23 June 1940.”

With regard to the way in which the fighting took place, the Special Commission of Inquiry set up for the loss of Torricelli opined that “given the duration of the battle, the close distance, the preponderance of the enemy forces, the damage suffered by Torricelli is not proportionate to the extent of the offense“, advancing the hypothesis that the British fire was not aimed so much at destroying the submarine,  as for causing casualties and wreaking havoc among the crew, in an attempt to capture it as happened with Galilei (this was also the impression of Commander Pelosi).

For this reason, according to the C.I.S. (later taken up by various authors, such as Giorgio Giorgerini in his “Men on the Bottom”), destroyers made main, if not exclusive, use of machine guns. In other words: a group of ships armed with a total of twenty-two 100 or 102 mm guns, if they had wanted to, would certainly have destroyed the Torricelli in much less than 40 minutes of combat. If this had not happened, it was because the British had deliberately tried not to sink the target, but to cause panic and losses among its crew to induce them to surrender.

On the British side, however, there is no argument of the kind. It would appear that the guns were used in full, firing a total of about 700 rounds of 102 and 120 mm, as well as 5000 machine gun rounds, during the 40 minutes of the fighting. Simply, the British shot was extremely inaccurate (scoring only one cannon out of over 700 shots), presumably due to the still uncertain light of dawn and the continuous abrupt maneuvers undertaken by both Torricelli and the British ships, which prevented them from adjusting the shot.

Paradoxically, the inaccuracy of the British fire, which on the Italian side is considered intentional and aimed at capturing the submarine, is reported as involuntary by the British themselves (who, for their part, would perhaps have had more interest in declaring, a posteriori, that such an inaccuracy had been deliberate). An imprecision that would in any case be mutual, since, according to British sources, several shots from Torricelli missed the Shoreham and the Kingston by very little, but none would have hit (the uncertain atmosphere of dawn had a good game in deceiving Pelosi in this regard, giving him the impression of having scored some cannonade. On the other hand, Channon notes in his article, that even the reports of the British units do not match each other, the result of erroneous and conflicting impressions caused by the confusion of that clash).

The circumstances that led to the interception of Torricelli are rather controversial. According to several sources (including “The Real Traitor” by Alberto Santoni, “At War on the Sea” by Erminio Bagnasco and “Struggle for the Middle Sea” by Vincent O’Hara), the boat was located by British ships on the basis of documents found on board another submarine, Galileo Galilei, captured a few days earlier after a fight with the British gunboat H.M.S. Moonstone. The British found on the Galilei the order of operations that also included news relating to the location of other Italian submarines and were thus able to ambush Torricelli and another submarine, the Galvani, which also sank in the same period.

Other sources state that only Galvani was located by the British thanks to documents found on the Galilei, while there was no connection between the capture of the latter and the loss of Torricelli. Still others (including “Uomini sul fondo” by Giorgio Giorgerini and a long article published in 1990 by the then Admiral Antonio Mondaini, a survivor of the Galvani) claim instead that the news of the discovery on the Galilei of documents relating to the position of other submarines was completely false and devised by the British to cover up their effective espionage network in East Africa.  For example, it became known after the war that the bartender of the hotel frequented in Asmara by many Italian naval officers was not, as was believed at the time, Sicilian, but a Maltese spy infiltrated there by the British. In this regard, in his article Admiral Mondaini also mentioned that Commander Pelosi, during his captivity and even after, stated that after the capture the British had shown him the “characteristics” of most of the officers of the Italian submarines in the Red Sea, which attested to a level of information that could not derive from simple documents captured on a submarine.

To tell the truth, it is almost impossible that Torricelli could have been detected because of operational plans captured on the Galilei. This is due to a simple reason: when Galilei left for the mission in which it was captured, on June 10th, the departure of Torricelli had yet to be planned; it took place only on June 14th, replacing the damaged Ferraris. Not only that; after having initially reached the position previously assigned to Ferraris, which could also be found on any documents captured by the British, Torricelli had received orders to move to a new area, located tens of miles north of the previous one, and this, obviously, could not be indicated in any documents found aboard Galilei. It was in this new area that the first encounter with British ships took place, on June 21st.

According to an even different version, already mentioned above, it was indeed the capture of Galilei that allowed the interception of Torricelli, but not by means of operation orders, but because of the discovery of the ciphers, which allowed the British command in Aden to intercept and decipher the radio communications between Torricelli and the Massawa Command that took place on June 19th,  when the submarine received the new orders, thus learning of its new position. Even the British explorer Freya Stark, who had spent much of her childhood and youth in Italy, and who was apparently the only person in Aden who knew Italian, would have collaborated on this work. All things considered, this latest version seems the most plausible.

Torricelli is the protagonist of another “mystery” concerning secret material. Second Lieutenant Geoffrey John Kirkby, of H.M.S. Kingston, was decorated with the Distinguished Service Cross for leading a boarding party sent to the abandoned and dying Torricelli, in order to take possession of the secret codes on board (a similar decoration, “for the courage and resourcefulness shown” in the action that led to the sinking of the Torricelli, was awarded to Lieutenant Erlend Richard Storer Clouston,  also from H.M.S. Kingston). Kirkby descended into the sinking submarine, and emerged from the conning tower just in time, moments before the submarine was finally swallowed by the sea. When he opened a hatch to ask for someone to help him with a box of books, he was hit by a torrent of water, because the sea had already reached the hatch. What does not seem entirely clear is whether Kirkby actually managed to take the codices before the Torricelli sank. The answer seems to be negative, as there is no mention of it either on the Italian or British side, except in some “secondary” or even “tertiary” sources, referring exclusively to Kirkby.

A secondary Italian source claims that before ordering the boat to be scuttled and abandoned, Pelosi also had ciphers and secret documents destroyed, but the official history of the USMM does not mention such an order (although this does not mean that it was not given). Alberto Santoni, in his book “The Real Traitor”, based on in-depth research carried out in British archives, documents the capture of Italian ciphers and codes that took place in correspondence with the capture or sinking of various Italian submarines throughout the course of the war (including the Galilei), but does not mention Torricelli among them. A few days after the loss of the Torricelli, however, in view of the other losses that occurred in the same period, which raised fears of the capture of codes by the British (as in fact happened on the Galilei), the Italian Navy changed the codes in use for submarines, thus nullifying the results achieved by the British in this sector in the first weeks of the war.

The subject of a long diatribe was the fate of H.M.S. Khartoum a few hours after the conclusion of the fight with Torricelli. At 11:50 AM on June 23rd (5 hours after the end of the battle), H.M.S. Khartoum, while on patrol 7 miles by 165° from the Perim lighthouse, was shaken by an explosion that occurred in the starboard torpedo tube of the aft torpedo complex. The warhead of the torpedo contained in it was thrown out of the tube, passing through the officers’ mess hall, damaging a fuel tank pipe and thus immediately starting a fire (caused by the friction caused by the torpedo passing through the bulkhead of the officers’ mess, which caused the paint to catch fire, and immediately fueled by the fuel leaking from the damaged pipe),  although it did not explode in turn (it fell on the aft deck and remained there). The flames spread immediately, and the crew’s attempts to contain them proved to be in vain: the explosion and the launch of the warhead had also damaged or disabled some of the pumps and their valves.

The flames and smoke also prevented the aft ammunition depot from flooding. The captain of H.M.S. Khartoum, fearing an explosion with catastrophic consequences, set course for the port of Perim at the highest possible speed allowed in those conditions, with the intention of bringing the ship to run aground on a shallow water inside the port, to allow its subsequent recovery. At the mouth of the marina, however, the engines were stopped (due to a misunderstanding regarding a partial evacuation order of the engine room), and the electricity also failed. Once the engines were set in motion again, with the last of her energies H.M.S. Khartoum moved into the port, without being able to reach the shoal to run aground, and dropped anchor, then the order was given to abandon ship.

At 12:45 PM, when all but 20 men had abandoned ship, the flames reached the aft ammunition depot, which exploded. The shrapnel thrown by the explosion killed one man and wounded another, and the ship touched the seabed; at 12:59 PM. There was a new and even more violent explosion (perhaps the depth charges or torpedoes remaining in the aft tubes) as a result of which H.M.S. Khartoum accentuated its approach and heeled 25°-30° to the left. Finally, as the air escaped from the forward compartments, the destroyer sank completely on the shallow water (the depth was between 8 and 13 meters), returning to normal trim and leaving only the funnel, the superstructures and the upper part of the gun systems out of the water. The ship was judged unsalvageable and abandoned on the spot (38°52′ N and 43°24’55” E), where its wreck still lies.

There was only one casualty, sailor J. Thompson (killed by shrapnel), and four seriously wounded, Lieutenant Commander Alan Collins Reed (chief engineer) and sailors J. W. Toms, Reginald Casson and Stanley G. Lace (the first two were seriously burned by the initial fire, the last two were injured by shrapnel projected by the last two explosions).

The event that had started the fire, and consequently the explosions that had caused the loss of H.M.S. Khartoum, was envied by the explosion of a compressed air tank of one of the torpedoes of the aft torpedo system. The explosion had caused the launch of the torpedo, which pierced the officers’ mess and sparked the fire in that room, which immediately proved to be indomitable.

The U.S.M.M.’s book “Operations in East Africa” attributes the explosion of the torpedo’s air tank to the damage caused by a shrapnel from a Torricelli grenade, which would have hit the torpedo; the book “What did the Navy do?” published immediately after the war by Marc’Antonio Bragadin stated that one of the last shots fired by Torricelli had hit H.M.S. Khartoum at six o’clock in the morning of June 23rd, and that one of its splinters had caused the torpedo to explode. Many other Italian sources, as well as some British sources (such as “The Admiralty Regrets: British Warship Losses of the 20th Century” by Paul Kemp, which speaks of a 100 mm shot that would have hit near the aft complex of torpedo tubes, causing the air tank of a torpedo to burst with its shrapnel; as well as “British Fleet Destroyers AFRIDI to NIZAM 1937-43” by John English),  give credence to this version, according to which the loss of H.M.S. Khartoum was thus caused by the battle with  Torricelli.

However, careful investigations conducted in July 1940 by a Royal Navy commission of inquiry (set up for the purpose of ascertaining the causes of the loss of the ship), with the interrogation of numerous survivors of H.M.S. Khartoum, ruled out this possibility. William James Collier, a sailor in charge of torpedoes, attributed the bursting of the torpedo’s compressed air tank to a weakness in the weapon’s construction or corrosion; It was found that the torpedoes of the squadron to which H.M.S. Khartoum belonged had, in general, a high level of corrosion, which was confirmed by inspections on H.M.S. Kandahar and H.M.S. Kimberley. Collier reported that he had complained in the past about the severe external corrosion of the air tanks of H.M.S. Khartoum torpedoes (presumably caused by the destroyer’s period of service in the North Sea), reporting it to both the commander and the employees of the Devonport torpedo depot. Precisely because of corrosion, the torpedoes had been delivered to this depot to be overhauled, which had lasted for six months, and had then been returned to H.M.S.  Khartoum with the declaration that they were now safe.

The commander of H.M.S. Khartoum, Commander Dowler, was specifically questioned about the q fight with Torricelli and the possibility that this had something to do with the subsequent explosion (in the event that a shrapnel of a shell could have damaged the aft torpedo system, causing the subsequent accident). Dowler stated that he did not believe that the submarine’s fire during the engagement had ever been directed specifically at H.M.S. Khartoum, and that the nearest cannon shot had fallen no less than 1,100 yards from the destroyer. When specifically asked, Dowler said he was certain that the ship had not been hit by any shrapnel or bullet fragments.

The commission of inquiry concluded that the cause of H.M.S. Khartoum’s leak was due to the explosion of the torpedo compressed air tank contained in the starboard tube of the aft torpedo launcher complex, which had deformed the tube and launched the torpedo warhead (the rest of the gun had been stuck in the tube), which had passed from side to side of the aft canteen.  severing the fuel tank pipe in the canteen and causing the fire. Other incidents of this kind (bursting of the compressed air tank), with less disastrous consequences, occurred with other Mark IX torpedoes on board other ships (the cruiser H.M.S. Newfoundland, the destroyer H.M.S. Partridge, the Dutch destroyer Tjerk Hiddes, as well as some torpedoes destined for the destroyer Quality).

In a subsequent session, the commission of inquiry also investigated the possibility that the incident was caused by an act of sabotage. Commander Dowler was questioned about the survivors of the Torricelli rescued from the Khartoum after the sinking; the 14 who had been transferred to H.M.S. Kingston had always remained under the surveillance of armed guards during their short stay on board, and the fifteenth, detained on board for further medical attention, had been in the vicinity of the torpedo launcher only during the funeral of his comrade who died after the rescue. Even then, Dowler judged, there was no way that the prisoner, rather weakened and wearing only a pair of shorts, could have committed acts of sabotage.

Sergeant Cyril Horace Haywood Poole, when questioned about the Torricelli’s prisoners, explained that they had passed on the starboard side and therefore also passed by the torpedo complex, but they had always been under surveillance and could not have committed acts of sabotage. After the rescue they were sent to the bow, to the deck where the mess was located, after which they were embarked on the boats that transferred them to H.M.S. Kingston. Only two remained on board H.M.S. Khartoum; one who was being given artificial respiration, but who died anyway, and another who was under surveillance on the port side of the foremast. Lieutenant Charles Anthony Buckle confirmed that the prisoners had passed by the torpedo tubes, but still under surveillance, and that he did not believe it possible that the explosion was due to sabotage; even the sailor Collier stated that he did not think it possible that the explosion of the torpedo tank could have been caused by sabotage.

From the official British documents and from the deposition of Commander Dowler, therefore, it appears that the loss of Khartoum was not caused by the consequences of Torricelli’s fire.

On the other hand, some New Zealand sources mistakenly mention that on June 27th, 1940, the New Zealand light cruiser H.M.N.Z.S.  Leander, together with H.M.S. Kandahar and H.M.S. Kingston, conducting a search on the basis of a report from H.M.S. Shoreham, would have spotted the Torricelli stranded on the Eritrean coast, destroying it with its own shot and with the bombs dropped by its Walrus seaplane. This is completely erroneous, since on June 27th Torricelli had already been lying at the bottom of the Red Sea for four days; in reality, the submarine attacked by the Leander was the Perla, which ran aground on the coast of Eritrea due to the intoxication of its crew by methyl chloride fumes, and almost all the bombs and cannons missed it, so much so that it could be disentangled a few days later and subsequently repaired.

On 25 June 1940, two days after the sinking of the Torricelli, Commander Robson organized a dinner on board the support ship H.M.S. Lucia, moored in Aden, inviting both the commanders of the subordinate units that had taken part in the fighting, and Commander Pelosi (and, for one version, also the other officers of the Torricelli, or only the second in command).

On 12 July, just before the survivors of Torricelli were sent to India for captivity, it was the commander of the British naval forces in the Red Sea, Rear Admiral A. J. L. Murray, who summoned Commander Pelosi, congratulating him on his valiant action: “Five of our ships have failed to capture you or induce you to surrender.” Murray organized an official dinner in honor of the Italian commander, and toasted both Pelosi and H.M.S. Khartoum’s commander, Commander Dowler, who shared the loss of their unit.

Pelosi would maintain a personal friendship with British Commander Robson for many years after the war: a letter from Pelosi, thanking Robson for his chivalrous treatment, hung for a long time in the Kandahar Ski Clubhouse in Mürren.

After an initial period of imprisonment in Aden for a few weeks, on July 12th, 1940 Commander Pelosi and the survivors of the Torricelli were embarked on the steamship Takliva and sent to captivity in the Central International Camp of Ahmednagar, India (250 km east of Bombay), together with the survivors of Galilei and another submarine sunk in the same days (also as a result of the documents captured on the Galilei) Galvani: in all, 16 officers and 102 non-commissioned officers and sailors. They were the first of nearly 67,000 Italian prisoners of war to arrive in India during the conflict.

The Ahmednagar camp was established in September 1939 as a camp for German civilian internees; in June 1940 it had been expanded with the creation of a sector for Italian civilian internees (about 400, Italian citizens residing in India: mostly religious and missionaries, but also the crews of Italian merchant ships surprised by the declaration of war in British possessions in India or the Middle East). Created using installations previously used as quarters and resting places for British troops, Ahmednagar was better than many other prison camps. It was located in an area with a rather pleasant climate, it was clean and well organized. There were also beds with mattresses, horsehair sheets and pillows, mosquito nets and even a cinema, open twice a week, and a small swimming pool built during the First World War by Turkish prisoners.

Given their small numbers, the Italian prisoners of war were sent to the camp created for their fellow civilian internees, albeit in a separate part (and not communicating, not even verbally, with the section for civilian internees) which thus became the first camp for Italian prisoners of war in British India. Here the prisoners were accommodated in large tents (two-place for officers, eight-place for non-commissioned officers and sailors); since there was no electric lighting (except for the fence netting), each tent had an oil lamp, which was collected every morning by Torricelli’s accountant, chief first class Giuseppe De Giosa, who supplied it with oil (and, if necessary, with wick) and then returned it in the evening.

The officers’ mess, set up under a large tent, was served by Indian staff, who cooked “English-style” dishes (being accustomed to serving the British): hearty breakfast with coffee, tea, milk, bacon eggs, fried eggs, hard-boiled eggs, bacon salami, fresh fruit and fruit juices; light lunch with cold roast beef and sometimes salad. Dinner with soup, meat dish with side dish and dessert. The treatment reserved for the sailors was hastier: they had to gather in single file for the delivery of food, which they then had to cook for themselves (among the prisoners, however, this task was delegated to non-commissioned officers and sailors with the qualification of cooks). Initially, the distribution of provisions for the sailors was carried out in the open, but after a large local bird had stolen a piece of meat by swooping down on the column of sailors, it was preferred to carry out the distribution, for the future, under a canopy.

Subsequently, two separate camps were built, for officers and for soldiers, side by side and communicating with each other during the day. Next to it was the camp for Italian civilian internees, while the one for German civilian internees was opposite them, on the opposite side of the road. Commander Pelosi, called “Pelo” by his friends, played a key role in the organization of the camp, conducted with order and discipline but also cordiality. Under the rules of the Geneva Convention, the British provided prisoners with specially printed banknotes, which they used to buy goods in the camp’s shop. However, since the pay for the soldiers and sailors was very meagre (a few annas a day), it was decided to make a deduction from the officers’ salaries, to create a common fund in favor of the troops.

In August 1940 the number of prisoners increased by more than 500 with the arrival of the survivors of the cruiser Bartolomeo Colleoni, sunk in the Mediterranean by H.M.A.S. Sydney. When, in December 1940, chaplains and medical officers were repatriated, two Salesian missionaries (Father Alfonso Ferrero and Father Guglielmo Balocco) were transferred to the camp for spiritual assistance to the prisoners. At the end of the year, the population of the Ahmednagar prisoner of war camp amounted to over a hundred officers and a thousand soldiers, airmen and sailors: more than half were Navy personnel, the rest largely Army personnel captured during the first border skirmishes between Libya and Egypt (capture of the Capuzzo Redoubt,  destruction of the D’Avanzo column) and during infiltration of British armored cars in Cyrenaica (including a general: Romolo Lastrucci).

In the same period, thousands of Italian prisoners, mostly Army personnel, captured in Egypt and Cyrenaica during the British offensive known as “Operation Compass”, began to flow into India. To house this considerable mass of prisoners, a new prison camp was established at Ramgarh, in northeastern India (460 km northwest of Calcutta, on the border between the states of Bengal and Bihar, on the opposite side of India from Ahmednagar). Prisoners previously held in Ahmednagar, including Commander Pelosi and other survivors of the Torricelli, were also transferred to this camp. The prisoners left Ahmednagar in three echelons, each consisting of 40 officers and 350 soldiers and sailors; The first group left at the beginning of December, the last on 12 December 1940.

In Ramgarh, a town surrounded by jungle, there were three prisoner of war camps, numbered 18 to 20. The climatic and sanitary conditions, despite the presence of a field hospital with Italian doctors in the camp, were worse than in Ahmednagar. The heat was stifling, and the impure water (one former prisoner even remembered it as “turbid, earthy-colored”), caused the rapid spread of dysentery and other diseases, which claimed several victims among the prisoners. It was during the period spent in Ramgarh, in fact, that two Torricelli men, Carmelo Di Raimondo and Ettore Zavatta, fell ill and died in captivity, died of illness on March 18th and June 1st, 1941, respectively.

Following the invasion of Burma by Japanese forces (April-May 1942), prisoners held at Ramgarh were later transferred to other prison camps further away from the front, separating officers from soldiers and sailors (both for practical reasons and on the directive of the Political Warfare Executive).  the sailors and soldiers in those of Bangalore and Bhopal.

The survivors of the Torricelli remained prisoners in India until the end of the war, returning to Italy only between 1945 and 1946.

Commander Pelosi was repatriated from captivity on January 20th, 1945, at the request of the Italian government, while becoming a co-belligerent with the Allies after the armistice of September 8, 1943. Pelosi continued her career in the postwar Navy, reaching the rank of rear admiral before being placed on the auxiliary due to age limit in 1969. He died on October 24th, 1974, in a car accident.

A submarine of the Sauro class (S 522, in service in 1987) was named after him, which in 2007 became the first Italian submarine to enter the Red Sea since the Second World War, for the first time in 66 years. On March 18th, 2007, during this voyage to the Red Sea, the submarine Salvatore Pelosi laid a wreath at the spot where, almost 67 years earlier, the submarine commanded by the man whose name it bears had sunk.

The wreck of Torricelli was discovered in May 2022 near the Bab-el-Mandeb strait: Commander Pelosi’s submarine rests on a sandy seabed at a depth of only thirty meters.

Original Italian text by Lorenzo Colombo adapted and translated by Cristiano D’Adamo

Operational Records

TypePatrols (Med.)Patrols (Other) NM Surface NM Sub. Days at SeaNM/DayAverage Speed
Submarine – Oceanic01 400 90 954.442.27

Actions

DateTimeCaptainAreaCoordinatesConvoyWeaponResultShipTypeTonnsFlag
6/23/194006:00C.C. Salvatore PelosiIndian Ocean13°N-43°EArtilleryDamagedH.M.S. ShorehamGunboat1105Great Britain
6/23/194005.35C.C. Salvatore PelosiIndian Ocean13°N-43°EArtilleryFailedH.M.S. KarthoumDestroyer1690Great Britain

Crew Members Lost

Last NameFirst NameRankItalian RankDate
CecioDavideRadiomanRadiotelegrafista6/23/1940
Di RaimondoSalvatoreJunior ChiefSottocapo3/18/1941
RacchelliPietroTorpedomanSilurista6/23/1940
RandoNandoEngineer RatingComune Motorista6/23/1940
SannaAngeloChief 3rd Class TorpedomanCapo di 3a Classe Silurista6/23/1940
SignoreAngelo SalvatoNaval Rating ElettricianComune Elettricista6/23/1940
SorbaPierinoNaval RatingComune6/23/1940
ZavattaEttoreMilitarized CivilianCivile Militarizzato6/1/1941

R. Smg. Guglielmotti

Alberto Guglielmotti was a Brin-class oceanic submarine (displacement of 1,016 tons on the surface and 1,266 submerged). It completed 5 war patrols, covering 16,103 miles on the surface and 426 miles submerged, spending 92 days at sea and sinking a 4,008 GRT tanker.

Brief and Partial Chronology

December 3rd, 1936

Setting up began at the Franco Tosi shipyards in Taranto.

Video of the launch of Guglielmotti
(Istituto Luce)

September 11th, 1938

Guglielmotti was launched at the Franco Tosi shipyard in Taranto.

Guglielmotti soon after the launch

October 12th, 1938

Official entry into active service. Assigned, with the twin boats Brin, Archimede, Torricelli and Galvani as well as the older Galileo Galilei and Galileo Ferraris, to the XLIV Submarine Squadron of the Taranto Submarine Group.

Guglielmotti in 1938
(From Storia Militare)

1939

The XLIV Submarine Squadron, now without Galilei and Ferraris, becomes the XLI Submarine Squadron.

June 21st though 29th, 1939

Guglielmotti completed a training trip from Naples to Lisbon, under the command of Folco Bonamici (one of the most experienced submariners of the Regia Marina) and in war asset, to ascertain the conditions of crossing the Strait of Gibraltar, experimenting with transfer methods to the Atlantic and identifying ways to optimize navigation time and performance of. Navigation took place underwater during the day and on the surface at night, but the crossing of the strait, in order to avoid the passage submerged in the area of greatest traffic, and where the currents are stronger, took place on the surface (from 60 miles east of Gibraltar to 80 miles west of the same city) instead of, as in wartime, submerged, thus nullifying part of the experience.

July 3rd through 8th, 1939

The boat completed the return trip from Lisbon to Naples, still on a training mission. In the following months Guglielmotti underwent intense training and carried out many exercises.

June 10th, 1940

When Italy entered the war, Guglielmotti was based in Massawa (Eritrea, Italian East Africa), in the Red Sea, where it formed the LXXXI Submarine Squadron together with its twin submarine Galvani and the older Galileo Galilei and Galileo Ferraris.

June 21st, 1940

Guglielmotti set sail from Massawa under the command of Lieutenant Commander Carlo Tucci, for his first war patrol (the last to do so among the eight boats of Massawa). A doctor, Dr. Origlia from Turin, was embarked for a rescue mission: recover the crew of the submarine Macallè.

June 22nd, 1940

Guglielmotti reached the islet of Barr Musa Kebir at 12.45 PM and rescued the crew of the Macallè, which had been stranded on the island for a week following the grounding and sinking of the boat, which had taken place on June15th.

The shipwrecked of the Macallè were in very bad shape, especially as a result of methyl chloride poisoning suffered on board their submarine. Many, as soon as they sow Guglielmotti approaching, stopping and putting a boat in the water, threw themselves into the water to swim to it, not being able to wait any longer. With two or three trips of the lifeboat, Guglielmotti recovers all the survivors, then dove (later it resurfaced), just as two British planes return to fly over the island (another aircraft had already done so before). Some of the castaways, mad or delirious from the combined effect of methyl chloride, sunstroke and thirst, were kept tied up for the entire journey back to Massawa.

July 26th through 31st, 1940

Guglielmotti departed from Massawa and was sent, like the destroyers Cesare Battisti and Francesco Nullo, in search of a British merchant ship (according to other sources, two Greek merchant ships) that were reported to be coming from Suez and heading south, but the ships were not found.

August 21st through 25th, 1940

Guglielmotti carries out an unsuccessful mission in the Red Sea.

September 6th, 1940

Guglielmotti (Lieutenant Commander Carlo Tucci), while searching for the British convoy BN 4 south of the Farisan Islands, emerged on the night between the 5th and the 6th to recharge its batteries. Visibility was very poor, so lookouts and hydrophonists were particularly vigilant.

At 04:00 AM on the 6th, having completed the recharging, the submarine returned to the depths, lying on the seabed at a depth of 70 meters, and then resurfacing again at 11:30 AM and starting to patrol the routes that cross the center of the Red Sea. At 03:00 PM, finally Commander Tucci sighted two ships on the periscope: one was too far away, but the other was a loaded tanker in a favorable position for the attack: it was the Greek tanker Atlas of 4,008 GRT, a lost unit of the BN 4convoy. The tanker was sailing alone from Abadan to Suez after being left behind. After recognizing the flag as Greek, Guglielmotti approached to within 700 meters of the Atlas, then ordered two torpedoes to be launched. Both weapons hit the tanker on the starboard side, between the center and the bow, opening a large gash from which unignited oil began to pour into the sea. The whole crew of the Atlas abandons ship (there were no casualties) on the lifeboats and moves away (they will then disembark in Aden). While Guglielmotti was observing through the periscope, since the ship was heeled over but did not appears to be about to sink, Tucci launched a third torpedo that misses the target, then a fourth that hits portside.

The Atlas opened up and broke in two; the forward section sank at 15°50′ N (or 15°10′ N) and 41°50′ E (14 miles north of Jabal al-Tier and 15 miles east of the island of Antufash), while the aft section, which remained floating and adrift (not seen by Guglielmotti, which in the last periscope observation no longer found the target and therefore believed to have sunk it),  was instead taken in tow by the tugboats Hercules and Goliath who try to tow it for 400 miles towards Suez, but it also eventually sank following the breakage of the tow cable (due to wind and the adverse sea conditions), between Berenice and Ras Banas (Egypt).

September 1940

Guglielmotti was attacked by an aircraft during a bombing raid on Massawa but was not hit.

September 20th, 1940

Guglielmotti and Archimede were sent to search for the convoy BN 5, but they did not find anything.

October 20th and 21st, 1940

Guglielmotti and Ferraris were sent to look for convoy BN 7 (31 merchant ships escorted by the light cruiser H.M.S. Leander, the destroyer H.M.S. Kimberley and 5 sloops), but they fail to find it. The convoy was attacked by some destroyers from Massawa, but the battle ended without success and with the loss of the destroyer Francesco Nullo.

January 1941

Moored in Massawa, Guglielmotti was visited by Amedeo of Savoy, viceroy of Ethiopia.

March 4th, 1941

Guglielmotti left Massawa under the command of Commander Gino Spagone (commander of the Massawa Submarine Flotilla), to circumnavigate Africa and reach the Atlantic Italian submarines base of Bordeaux (Betasom) established in the French port, in anticipation of the inevitable fall of Italian East Africa. The Guglielmotti was the last to depart, among the four submarines that sailed from Massawa to Bordeaux (four boats were lost earlier).

The decision was taken on February 28th, and already on March 1st the British commands became aware of it through the decryptions of “ULTRA”. They thus learn of the imminent departure, of the distinctive signs assigned to the various boats to communicate with Bordeaux (for the Guglielmotti it is 29W and N94) and of some details on the route to follow and the days in which the supply ship would be present in the pre-established area for the meeting and refueling (which, however, was not specified).

However, since the information was insufficient, the British were unable to organize an interception of the submarines (the submarine H.M.S. Severn tried, but unsuccessfully).

March-May 1941

After passing the Bab el Mandeb Strait, eluding strong British surveillance, Guglielmotti entered the Indian Ocean. Bad weather and monsoon winds caused more than a few difficulties, in a state of suboptimal efficiency and armed by a crew that has suffered from the long stay in the tropical climate of Eritrea. Off the coast of Madagascar it was be necessary to proceed with the bow to the sea, and nevertheless the violent waves (force 8/9) broke the radio mast, isolating the submarine, and preventing any contact with the base. The damage, however, was promptly repaired thanks to sailors Cuomo and Paolo Costagliola (the latter is a survivor of the Macallè, one of the three men who offered to cross the Red Sea on a modest rowing boat, with very limited supplies of food and water, to raise the alarm and thus allow the rescue of his companions. He embarked on the Guglielmotti on the proposal of his commander,  who went to visit him in the hospital) who, volunteering, crawled along the deck to the extreme stern (being thrown several times against the hull and even into the sea by the waves, but always managing to return on board, being secured with a cable tied to a belt) where the antenna was located, and were be able to repair it despite the various injuries and bruises sustained. They were later decorated with the Bronze Medal for Military Valor with the motivation: “Embarked on a submarine, during a long and difficult ocean navigation through sea areas intensely guarded by the enemy, he volunteered in particularly difficult circumstances to repair a damage produced on board and with calm and exemplary energy he completed the task entrusted to him. Atlantic Ocean, May 1941“.

May 7th, 1941

Guglielmotti reached Bordeaux after 66 days at sea, during which it sailed 12,425 miles (keeping close to the African coast), crossed the Mozambique Channel, rounded the Cape of Good Hope, refueled with fuel oil from the German tanker Nordmark (on April 16th, after 6600 miles of navigation, in position 25° S and 26° W),  thern passed to the west of the Cape Verde Islands and the Azores and crossed the Bay of Biscay.

Guglielmotti arriving in Bordeaux

Another image of Guglielmotti in Bordeaux

June-August 1941

Guglielmotti underwent retrofitting work in Bordeax. It was never assigned to this Command because in this period it was decided to return to the Mediterranean all the submarines unsuitable to satisfactorily continue their activity in the Atlantic. This call was made in regard to Guglielmotti, due to the continuous failures that afflict its electrical control panels, the slow speed and the particular structures of the voluminous conning tower,  which prevent a reduction on the model of those of the German U-boats.

September 22nd, 1941

Guglielmotti set sail from Le Verdon to return to the Mediterranean.

September 30th, 1941

The boat crosses the Strait of Gibraltar, starting the crossing at 04:00 AM with calm seas and good visibility.

October 16th, 1941

Guglielmotti arrived in Messina without encountering any difficulties.

November 1941-February 1942

Guglielmotti underwent modernization works in Taranto. The 100/43 mm Mod. 1927 deck gun was replaced with a more modern 100/47 mm piece Odero Terni Orlando Mod. 1938.

The Sinking

On March 15th, 1942 Guglielmotti, under the command of Lieutenant Federico Tamburini (who had previously been second in command, since the days of the Red Sea), left Taranto for Cagliari (according to other sources, Messina), where it was to be deployed to be used in offensive missions in the western Mediterranean.

At 06:33 AM on March 17th, however, the British submarine H.M.S. Unbeaten (Lieutenant Commander Edward Arthur Woodward), lurking off Cape dell’Armi, heard on the hydrophones the noises produced by a unit moving on a 130° bearing; two minutes later he sighted Guglielmotti at 2,010 meters by 125°.

The Italian submarine did not seem to notice anything as H.M.S. Unbeaten maneuvered to attack. The maneuver included the temporary descent to a greater depth, a 100° turn and then the return to periscope depth, but at that point, with the submarine ready to launch, Woodward no longer found the target. He managed to track it down shortly after, but at an unfavorable launch angle. After manoeuvring to get a better position for the launch, at 06.40 AM. the British boat launched four torpedoes.

One of them hit the target after 1 minute and 40 seconds: Guglielmotti sank rapidly in position 37°42′ N and 15°58′ E (about 15 miles south of Capo Spartivento Calabro and 22 miles south of Capo dell’Armi), taking most of its crew with it.

When H.M.S. Unbeaten resurfaced at 07:20 AM, the crew saw that there were a dozen survivors of Guglielmotti in the water. They were all wearing life jackets. Woodward approached to pick them up, but at that moment he saw a plane approaching to attack, and he had to order the crash dive immediately. Sailor George Dallas Forbes, who had gone on deck to rescue the castaways, had to run back and launch himself through the hatch of the conning tower, closing it behind him. H.M.S. Unbeaten, after diving again, left the area for good.

After about three hours, the torpedo boat Francesco Stocco arrived on the scene and launched 17 depth charges without being able to damage H.M.S. Unbeaten, which was by then far away. Of the twelve castaways Woodward had seen in the water, the torpedo boat Francesco Stocco found and recovered only one corpse.

There were no survivors among the 61 men (7 officers, 16 non-commissioned officers and 38 sub-chiefs and sailors) who made up the crew of the Guglielmotti.

The sinking of the Guglielmotti in the logbook of H.M.S. Unbeaten (from Uboat.net):

“06:33 hours – In position 37°42’N, 15°58’E heard H.E. (Hydrophone Effect) bearing 130°.

06:35 hours – Sighted a submarine bearing 125°, distant 2200 yards, maneuvered into attack position.

06:40 hours – Fired 4 torpedoes. One minute and 40 seconds after firing an explosion was heard, H.E. stopped, and the submarine was heard breaking up.

07:20 hours – Surfaced to pick up survivors. There were about 12 in the water but Unbeaten was forced to dive by an approaching aircraft and clear the area.

10:05 hours – Aircraft and motor torpedo boats were seen in the area of the sinking.

10:10 to 10:20 hours – Distant depth charging was heard. 24 Depth charges were dropped by the three motor torpedo boats present.

Unbeaten was now out of torpedoes so course was set to Malta to take on board new torpedoes.”

And in the mission report

“At 06:34 sighted U Boat bearing 125 degrees distance 2,200 yards turned onto a 130-degree track and increased speed. At 06:40 fired a dispersed salvo of four torpedoes, after one minute forty seconds after firing one explosion was heard – stopped and U Boat was heard breaking up. Surfaced to attempt to pick up survivors of which there were about twelve, but a fighter aircraft forced Unbeaten to dive and clear the area. All survivors appeared to be wearing ‘collar’ life jackets. Aircraft and E Boats were observed in vicinity of survivors: a distant depth charge attack of twenty-four charges was carried out by three E Boats at 08:50 on March 19th, 1942, arrived in Malta.”

Original Italian text by Lorenzo Colombo adapted and translated by Cristiano D’Adamo

Operational Records

TypePatrols (Med.)Patrols (Other) NM Surface NM Sub. Days at SeaNM/DayAverage Speed
Submarine – Oceanic05 16,103 426 92179.667.49

Actions

DateTimeCaptainAreaCoordinatesConvoyWeaponResultShipTypeTonnsFlag
9/7/194015:00C.C. Carlo TucciIndian Ocean15°50’N-41°50’ETorpedoSankAtlasMotor Freighter4008Greece

Crew Members Lost

Last NameFirst NameRankItalian RankDate
AcetiBernardinoJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
ArchinaGiuseppeNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
BalbinoPietroNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
BarontiDinoNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
BelliniAdalgisoNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
BurattiLuigiNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
CampisiSebastianoSergeantSergente3/17/1942
CaraFrancescoJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
CasaMarioJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
CastagnaCarloJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
CastelgranoPasqualeNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
CavigliaAntonioChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe3/17/1942
CeccarelliCarloLieutenant Other BranchesCapitano G.N.3/17/1942
De brunAlessandroChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe3/17/1942
De MartinoGiuseppeNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
De RosaAnielloJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
DentoniGiuseppeSergeantSergente3/17/1942
Di BartolomeoDonatoJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
Di MonacoGennaroChief 3rd ClassCapo di 3a Classe3/17/1942
Di TulcoNicolaJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
DunatovGiovanniNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
ElenaGiovanniEnsign Other BranchesSottotenente Altri Corpi3/17/1942
FasolaGiuseppeChief 1st ClassCapo di 1a Classe3/17/1942
FavaVincenzoJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
FerrariSilvioLieutenantTenente di Vascello3/17/1942
FiorentiniRenatoNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
ForcellaNicolaNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
FratocchiNandoChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe3/17/1942
GeminoGiulioJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
GenoveseFrancescoNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
GiacchiniFurioNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
GiacomettiEugenioNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
GiannettiPrimoJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
Lo PaneRaffaeleNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
LuminiAngeloNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
MaddalenaCosimoJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
MalatoGaspareSergeantSergente3/17/1942
MancaEnzoChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe3/17/1942
MancaNataleChief 3rd ClassCapo di 3a Classe3/17/1942
MandelliVirgilioLieutenantTenente di Vascello3/17/1942
MazzacuratiGiorgioEnsignGuardiamarina3/17/1942
MeliadoVittorioJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
MondaPasqualeEnsign Other BranchesSottotenente Altri Corpi3/17/1942
NemiaAntoninoNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
NoseiDomenicoNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
PapucciAmedeoJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
PastreMarioJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
PileriDomenicoNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
PodestòSilvioNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
PrestigiacomoNataleChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe3/17/1942
RaggiantePiladeJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
RigantiMarioJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
RomitoFoscoloEnsign Other BranchesSottotenente Altri Corpi3/17/1942
ScaglioniFulvioNaval RatingComune3/17/1942
TamburriniFediericoLieutenant CommanderCapitano di Corvetta3/17/1942
TarascioCarmeloSergeantSergente3/17/1942
TortoraEzioJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
TraettaArmandoChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe3/17/1942
VietriCarmineSergeantSergente3/17/1942
VillaRinaldoChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe3/17/1942
ViottoEmilioJunior ChiefSottocapo3/17/1942
ZolfanelliMarioChief 3rd ClassCapo di 3a Classe3/17/1942

R. Smg. Pier Capponi

Pier Capponi was a medium-cruising submarine, second unit of the Mameli class (displacement of 830 tons on the surface and 1,010 in submergence). No longer a young boat (it was nicknamed “old nail” by the crew), it nevertheless had a considerable war activity, mainly in the waters around Malta, before meeting its tragic end. The boat completed 9 war missions (6 patrols and 3 transfers), covering 3,655 miles on the surface and 812 submerged and spending 30 days at sea. It was credited with sinking a merchant ship of 1,888 GRT.

Pier Capponi

Brief and Partial Chronology

August 27th, 1925

Set-up began at the Franco Tosi shipyards in Taranto.

June 19th, 1927

Pier Capponi was launched at the Franco Tosi shipyard in Taranto. (Another source gives the date of the launch as April 1st, 1928.)

January 20th, 1929

Official entry into active service. Together with the twin boats Goffredo Mameli, Tito Speri and Giovanni Da Procida, Capponi formed the Submarine Squadron of Medium Cruise, part of the Taranto Flotilla. Shortly after its entry into service, the Pier Capponi dove to a depth of 54 meters.

Pier Capponi with the original conning tower

February 1st, 1929

Capponi became the squadron leader unit of the Medium Cruise Submarine Squadron.

June 26th, 1929

During diving tests carried out five miles off the coast of La Spezia, Capponi descended to a depth of 110 meters.

1929

Capponi, Mameli and Da Procida made a long cruise with a stopover in the Mediterranean ports of Spain and then also in the Atlantic, up to Cadiz and Lisbon. This was the first Atlantic cruise made by Italian submarines from which it was revealed the good qualities of the boats of the Mameli class, suitable for ocean navigation and long stays away from base.

1930

The Medium Cruise Squadron becomes IV Submarine Squadron. Capponi, Mameli and Speri took a cruise to the Eastern Mediterranean, Greece, and the Dodecanese. In the same year, Capponi also took part in training maneuvers in the Tyrrhenian Sea.

The submarine Capponi diving in the pre-war-period

1931

Capponi and the rest of the squadron were transferred to Naples.

1932-1933

The commander of the Pier Capponi was the Lieutenant Commander Giuseppe Carlo Speziale.

May 1933

Capponi and the rest of the squadron made a training cruise of about 20 days, calling at Thessaloniki, Leros and Rhodes and participating, during their stay in the latter islands, in exercises with ships and planes. The results were judged to be very positive.

1934

Capponi and the rest of the squadron were again transferred to Taranto, where the squadron became IX Squadron of the 3rd Submarine Flotilla. The units continue their normal training and make short cruises to Italy and the Dodecanese.

1935

The IX Squadron changes its name to XII Submarine Squadron.

Capponi surfacing

December 22nd, 1936

The command of the Pier Capponi was assumed by the Lieutenant Commander Domenico Emiliani.

September 3rd, 1937

Assigned to the IV Submarine Group of Taranto, the Capponi (Lieutenant Commander Domenico Emiliani) set sail from Leros for a clandestine mission in the context of the Spanish Civil War, with the order to patrol a sector in the Aegean Sea to counter the smuggling of supplies for the Spanish Republican forces. Capponi thus indirectly participated in the “blockade” of traffic directed from the Soviet Union to Republican Spain, patrolling the waters of the Aegean near the exit of the Dardanelles Strait, where Soviet steamers and other nationalities passed, employed in the transport of supplies for the Republicans, whose passage through the Bosphorus was reported by the Italian Intelligence Service in Istanbul. The task of the submarines was to try to locate and sink the reported ships. This mission was part of the second Italian submarine campaign in the Spanish Civil War, launched in August 1937 (with the use of 10 submarines in the Aegean, 17 in the Strait of Sicily and 24 in the western Mediterranean) at the request of Francisco Franco, worried about the increase in the flow of supplies for the Spanish Republican forces after the interruption of the first Italian underwater campaign,  It took place in February 1937, in order to avoid incidents with the United Kingdom and France (the campaign undertaken by Italian submarines, in the absence of a formal state of war between Italy and the Spanish Republic, was clandestine and de facto illegal).

September 4th, 1937

After a day of sailing, the Capponi had to return to port due to damage. The boat still performed a single attack maneuver against a suspicious ship, but interrupts it before launching the torpedoes.

September 5th, 1937

After a few hours in port, Capponi left again to resume the mission, heading towards the area assigned.

September 12th, 1937

Capponi returned to Leros concluding the mission, during which he began 11 attack maneuvers, but did not complete any of them.

1938

The Squadron became XLI Submarine Squadron, then was transferred to Messina, and named XXXI Submarine Squadron (part of III Grupsom).

June 10th, 1940

Upon Italy’s entry into the Second World War, Capponi (Lieutenant Romeo Romei) was part of the XXXIV Submarine Squadron (III Grupsom), based in Messina, together with the twins Goffredo Mameli, Giovanni Da Procida and Tito Speri.

Lieutenant Romeo Romei (1906-1941), commander of Capponi during the Second World War. Of Dalmatian origin (he was born in Castelnuovo di Cattaro (Montenegro) on August 14th, 1906), and graduated from the Naval Academy of Livorno in 1928 and volunteered on submarines in 1933. For his daring adventures in the waters around Malta, narrated by Pietro Caporilli, the Italian press of the time nicknamed him “corsair of the abyss” (Caporilli describes him as follows: “Italian from Dalmatia, tall, robust, decisive expression (…) he had already to his credit the cannon sinking of an armed steamer, (…) the attack on an entire British naval formation and a daring raid under Malta, in front of the Port of Valletta. A true corsair of the abyss who will write (…) as we shall see, superb pages of daring”). The Italian Navy has named two submarines in his memory, one (S 516, former American Harder of the Tang class) in service from 1974 to 1988 and another (S 529, of the U212/Todaro class) which entered service in 2017.

June 21st, 1940

Capponi began his first war assignment, being sent on patrol in the Strait of Sicily, between the Island of Pantelleria and Tunisia (within the operational zone “B”, which embraces the entire central Mediterranean and a large part of the western one). Capponi was part of the third “wave” of Italian submarines sent on missions after the declaration of war: starting from June 19th, a total of 21 submarines are sent to the central and western Mediterranean to primarily counter French naval traffic.

June 22nd, 1940

At 00.35 AM the Capponi (Lieutenant Romeo Romei), lying in ambush between Pantelleria and Tunisia, sighted the Swedish steamer Elgö (1,888 GRT, often mistakenly mentioned by Italian sources as Helge) at 36°59′ N and 11°12′ E, south of Sicily and east of Ras Mihr. After opening fire with the cannon – it will fire a total of 23 rounds with the 102 mm cannon – putting a few shots on target before having to stop firing due to a failure of the piece, at 01.32 AM and 01.35 AM Capponi launches two torpedoes against the steamer, which however avoids them with a maneuver.

At 01:45 AM a third 533 mm torpedo was launched, which this time seemed to hit the target, producing what appeared to be a muted explosion, after which the Elgö stopped. Finally, at 02.01 AM (another source mistakenly speaks of 1.50 Am), Capponi launched a fourth and final torpedo, this time a smaller 450 mm, which hit the target amidships and caused the sinking of the steamer in just five minutes, south of Cape Bon and north of Sfax.

(According to another source, after the sighting the Capponi would have launched a first torpedo, avoided by the steamer with a maneuver, then it would have opened fire continuing the shot until the failure of the cannon, then it would have launched two more torpedoes immobilizing the ship, and then accelerated its sinking with a last torpedo).

On board the Elgö, the captain was awakened at 00:20 AM on June 22nd, about three miles east of Ras Mhir, by the third officer, who announced that the ship was under fire from a submarine of unknown nationality (in all, the crew of the Elgö counted about 15 cannons). The Swedish captain orders the crew to abandon ship on the lifeboats, remaining on board with the first mate until the lifeboats had been lowered. Then, when the first mate was about to abandon ship – about half an hour after the submarine opened fire – he saw the wake of a torpedo rushing towards the Elgö and passing under the hull of the steamer without exploding. (This was probably the third torpedo launched by Capponi, which, according to Commander Romei’s estimation, would have hit the target, producing a dampened explosion and immobilizing it, in which case the torpedo would not have exploded, passing instead under the hull of the ship, while the impression of having hit and immobilized the Elgö probably derives from the fact that more or less at this time the crew had stopped the engines to abandon ship).

About ten minutes later, when there was no one left on board the steamer, it was hit by a second torpedo, immediately broke in two and sank in only five minutes. One of the crew was killed, a seafarer who disappeared during the shelling, probably hit by shrapnel. Several survivors, on board the lifeboat on the port side that was hit and seriously damaged by the explosion of the torpedo, were injured.

According to some Italian sources, the Elgö was sailing on a route from Tunisia to Malta, but in reality, the ship, which left Tunis on June 21st, was headed to Sfax with 500 tons of various goods, including asphalt. Sweden was a neutral nation, but according to Italian sources, the Elgö was chartered by the British. According to the researcher Platon Alexiades the steamer had probably been chartered, perhaps by France (which seems more logical, considering its ports of origin and arrival, both in French Tunisia), and therefore equally at the service of a belligerent country (which would have made it a legitimate target), but so far, he has not found effective evidence in this sense.

Italian sources also speak of the Elgö as an armed steamer. Romei’s report states that after ordering the ship to be detained, it briefly opened fire on Capponi before being silenced by the latter, but this seems unlikely, since at this stage of the war Swedish merchant ships were usually unarmed. Elgö was the second merchant ship to be sunk in the Mediterranean by an Italian submarine in World War II, preceded only by the Norwegian tanker Orkanger, sunk by the Naiade on June 12th, 1940.

The war correspondent Pietro Caporilli recalls the episode of the sinking of the Elgö, as it was narrated to him by Romei, in the book “Noi della ciurma” (We, the crew), published while the war was still in progress, in 1942: “It was the night of June 22 (…) After sixteen hours of diving, up and down the abyss I order: at periscope depth. How long until sunset? (…) The red disk of the sun had just gone down (…) when he finally wrote it up. As soon as we get out, I jump into the conning tower together with the second and the lookout and we carefully look around with our binoculars. Nothing! An hour passes. (…) Suddenly, the lookout’s hand touches my arm and points to the right. (…) I order Mariani to fire a warning shot at the enemy ship.” The steamer increases speed without stopping. He was caught up and hit by a Capponi torpedo. The commander continues: “… A fearful explosion reverberates in the silence of the night, a terrible crash and a high column of water rises against the sides of the mortally wounded steamer. I then witnessed a terrifying sight. The enemy ship – certainly loaded with explosives – literally breaks in two, rising out of the water with a good part of the keel; then the two sections, folding in a V shape, sink simultaneously!

June 25th, 1940

While sailing back to base, Capponi unsuccessfully launched a torpedo at an enemy submarine sighted off the northern coast of Sicily.

Capponi on its first war patrol

July 6th, 1940

Capponi was sent on patrol off Malta, under the command of Lieutenant Romeo Romei. In the following days, following the sighting at sea of the Mediterranean Fleet, which had sailed from Alexandria to provide protection to two convoys bound for Malta, Supermarina alerted all submarines located in ambush zone “C” and in the eastern part of zone “B” (i.e. in the central-eastern Mediterranean).

July 11th, 1940

At 11.20 PM (or 10.30 PM), while Capponi was lying in ambush southeast of Malta in adverse weather conditions, the sailor Luigi De Donno, on lookout on the Cunning Tower, sighted three British battleships (according to other sources, cruisers) escorted by several destroyers, with an apparent course from Malta to Alexandria. Favored by the darkness, Capponi approached on the surface up to a short distance from the enemy battleships, and at 11.40 PM (or 10.40 PM), still on the surface, launched two torpedoes against the lead ship. The torpedoes did not hit, and the Capponi had to disengage with a crash dive, being subjected to heavy hunting with depth charges, which causes several damages to the external hull and propellers, also causing failure of the gyroscopic compass, which makes it difficult to orient itself while diving.

July 12th, 1940

Trying to escape the hunt by the British units, Capponi ended up going as far as the coast of Malta. Resurfacing near the islet of Fifola to recharge its batteries and change the air, the submarine ran into a British coastal surveillance unit (Italian sources variously speak of minesweepers or submarine destroyers). Trying to buy time, the Italian crew tries to deceive the small unit that approaches, saluting and feigning a friendly attitude. Thus, it allowed the British ship to approach, and when the distances was reduced sufficiently, Capponi opens fire on it with machine guns, taking it by surprise, then launches smoke bombs and makes a crash dive while the British unit reacts with the weapons on board, hitting the submarine and causing various damage in the conning tower. Italian sources also speak of volleys by the coastal batteries of Marsa Scirocco, which would have fired on the submarine.

Max Polo, in the chapter “Submarines in the open sea” of the book “Fatti d’arme di una guerra senza fortuna” (1972), describes the incident in rather emphatic tones: “Capponi wanders blindly underwater [having the gyroscopic compass out of order], and when he comes back to the surface it  discovers that it was in the enemy’s lair, no less than under Malta, exactly near the islet of Filfola,  within range of the cannons of Marsa Scirocco. The situation was becoming extremely dangerous. It becomes even more dramatic when, from behind the islet, the commander noticed the silhouette of an English submarine destroyer launched at full speed on an inclined course to cut off its way. What’s left to do at Capponi? To give battle, not even to think about it: it would be like having your flank ripped open and sunk under a hail of bullets from the coastal batteries. All that remained was to play everything for everything, cunningly. Romei didn’t get upset, he calmly advanced towards the enemy unit with the flag unfurled. A moment of hesitation on the part of the English fighter, which for the moment has the doubt of being faced with a French submarine. From the deck of the Italian submarine, Commander Romei begins to gesture with his hat. In the meantime, with a lightning leap Lieutenant Stea and Bumbaca threw themselves on the machine guns: fire! The gusts took the English boat by surprise, swept the bow, killing the captain as well. A riot erupted. From the coastal batteries, from the wounded fighter, it was an infernal fire that fell on the Capponi. What to do? There was only one way: cover yourself behind a smokescreen and dive.

According to British documentation (consulted by researcher Platon Alexiades), the units involved in the brief skirmish with the Capponi was not one but two, the armed anti-submarine fishing boats Coral and Jade, which after the exchange of shots on the surface bombarded the submarine with depth charges while had meanwhile reached to a depth of 97 meters. The clash took place at 6.40 AM on July 12th, southeast of Malta, when Capponi opened fire on one of the two British units, which reacted by opening fire in turn and causing the submarine to dive. Contrary to what the Italians believed, neither the Coral nor the Jade were hit by the submarine’s fire. The documentation of the Maltese defense, which was very sparse, did not mention the opening of fire by the coastal batteries.

In the brief clash on the surface, the Capponi was hit twice by the fire of Coral and Jade: one bullet hit it at the stern, tearing the outer hull, while another pierced the conning tower, which as soon as it ended up underwater for the dive was completely flooded, filling with eight tons of water (according to another source the damage to the conning tower would have been caused by shrapnel that would have hit it on the left side). When the submarine submerged, it began to take on water, and Romei decided to return to Malta, where the sea was shallower, and settle on the seabed near the mouth of the port of Valletta, at a depth of 102 meters, where he then waited for darkness to get away. Naphtha was also released, hoping that the British would be convinced that they had sunk the boat and therefore desist, but this expedient did not achieve the desired purpose.

One could hear ships’ propellers passing on the vertical of the submarine stationary on the bottom and from the noises detected, it appeared that the British ships were looking for Capponi more out to sea. Capponi therefore spent all day resting on the seabed, motionless, hoping not to be located, while the situation inside becomes more and more precarious: there were increasing infiltrations of water in several points, and the electrical system failed causing all the lights to go out (some sources also speak of methyl chloride leaks, hazardous and toxic gas used in the air conditioning system). At 10:30 PM, Romei ordered the boat to the surface, but Capponi did not move. Frantically, other attempts were made, all to no avail. It almost seems as if the submarine has been trapped by the mud of the seabed. In the end, it was tried to move the boat by means of a jolt, the propellers were set in motion and at the same time compressed air was introduced into the tanks: this time the attempt was successful, and Capponi slowly began to sway and then to move, while depth gradually decreases. Battered but safe, the submarine saw the light again and headed for Messina.

For the record, it should be mentioned that two days after this episode, on July 14th, the British armed tugboat Emily, patrolling in the coastal waters of Malta, opened fire on a non-existent enemy submarine. An episode not uncommon: “false sightings” of this type and related attacks against nothing (or against wrecks, or unfortunate cetaceans) occurred in that period on several occasions. Perhaps, in this specific case, it was linked to the previous clash of Coral and Jade with an enemy submarine – the Capponi – in waters so close to Malta, which had taken place just two days earlier.

September 1st, 1940

Again, Capponi was sent on a patrol 30 miles southeast of Malta. The same evening, at 10.45 PM, Capponi (Lieutenant Romeo Romei) sighted a British destroyer and attacked it, but was immediately spotted and subjected to heavy hunting, thus being forced to disengage by diving.

September 4th, 1940

The boat returned to base.

Photo taken on board the Capponi on its return from a war patrol
(from “L’affondamento del sommergibile Pier Capponi‘ (The sinking of the submarine Pier Capponi) by Enzo Poci)

November 5th, 1940

Capponi (Lieutenant Commander Romeo Romei) was sent on patrol east of Malta. In the following days, Capponi and four other submarines (Topazio, Corallo, Fratelli Bandiera and Goffredo Mameli, all departing from Augusta and Messina) were sent about 90 miles south-south-east of Malta to counter the British operation “Coat”.

The decision to send some submarines (Pier Capponi, Topazio and Fratelli Bandiera) to the south-east of Malta was taken by Supermarina (Admiral Domenico Cavagnari) following reports, received on November 7th, about British naval movements in the Mediterranean. Italian agents stationed on the Spanish coast of the Strait of Gibraltar reported, on the evening of November 7th.  On the same day, a reconnaissance aircraft S.M. 79 of the Libyan Air Force noticed the absence of the large units of the Mediterranean Fleet in the port of Alessandria (the two formations appeared to have convergent routes towards the central Mediterranean), news later confirmed by the interception of radio traffic, from which Supermarina deduced that 2-3 battleships were sailing from Alexandria to the west,  6 cruisers and a dozen destroyers.

In Rome, the purpose of these movements was unknown. It was a complex British operation, ‘MB. 8″, which will culminate with the famous torpedo bomber attack against Taranto on the night of 11-12 November.

The capon painted on the cunning tower of Capponi

Following a sighting by a reconnaissance plane, Admiral Cavagnari ordered Capponi, Topazio, Bandiera and two other submarines, Corallo and Mameli, to move to ambush sectors located south-east and south-south-east of Malta, at a distance of 50-90 miles from that island, forming a barrage 90 miles south-south-east of Malta with intervals of 20-30 miles between each unit and the order to carry out night commuting (in contrast to Operation “Coat”).

November 9th, 1940

During the day, the Capponi, lurking about 50 (for another source 40) miles southeast of Malta, was attacked by British light units off Malta and subjected to anti-submarine hunting, from which it managed to escape despite having suffered several damages. Capponi still remained in the ambush in the area. That evening, having resurfaced, it began to recharge the batteries, returning to the ambush point indicated by the order of operations. There was a strong sea force 6, from the northwest, with wind force 5 also from the northwest. The sky was cloudy, but the horizon was clear.

At 11:54 PM (with a “fairly high moon”), while the submarine was on the surface, the lookout Luigi De Donno excitedly announced the sighting of a large enemy formation (“Commander, a million ships!”) in position 34°33′ N and 16°08′ E. Commander Romei and the second-in-command Stea, who were sitting on their seats at the time, got up, scanned the horizon with binoculars and sighted a British squadron at a distance of about 10,000 meters, of which Romei appreciated the composition of two battleships, an aircraft carrier, some cruisers and numerous destroyers (the historian Francesco Mattesini states that Romei estimated that the British force consisted of an aircraft carrier,  two cruisers and eight destroyers; however, Romei’s report shows: “The formation was made up of a large number of destroyers and light cruisers escorted forward to wedge, an aircraft carrier and two large ships whose silhouette was that of the Royal Sovereign and Ramillies. These three large units proceed in a line of order, in the order mentioned above. The last unit of the forward side escort looms on the aircraft carrier.”) Cruisers and destroyers precede the aircraft carrier, which in turn was followed by battleships; the formation was heading for Malta.

This was Force A, the main nucleus of the Mediterranean Fleet (which includes the four battleships H.M.S. Valiant, H.M.S. Warspite, H.M.S. Malaya and H.M.S. Ramillies and the aircraft carrier H.M.S. Illustrious), under the direct command of Admiral Cunningham: at 09:00 PM this formation, which arrived 100 miles southeast of Malta, took course 310° (northwestwards) to join Force F arriving from Gibraltar (H.M.S. Barham,  H.M.S. Berwick, H.M.S. Glasgow and its destroyers). At the time when the Italian submarine spotted them, Cunningham’s ships were proceeding towards the islet of Gozo, part of the Maltese archipelago, to reach the pre-arranged point for the rendezvous with the ships of Force F. (Other sources state that the force encountered by Capponi consisted only of the battleship H.M.S. Ramillies and the destroyers H.M.S. Havock, H.M.S. Hyperion and H.M.S. Ilex, detached from the rest of the Mediterranean Fleet to refuel in Malta or to escort the MW convoy to Malta. 3 together with H.M.S. Coventry and some destroyers).

Capponi approaches the enemy formation to attack while remaining on the surface, assuming a 235° course, perpendicular to the scion direction of the British squadron (which was 325°). To try to close the distance, Romei orders the chief engineer Giuseppe Leognani to also use the diesel engine in partial failure, accepting to run the risk of being spotted (the damaged engine emits a lot of exhaust smoke, which could make it easier to identify). As if that were not enough, during the approach the Capponi swerved strongly to the left due to a failure of the air vents and twice Romei gave orders to try to right the submarine.

November 10th, 1940

Even with the two diesel engines pushed to the maximum possible speed, when the Capponi found itself in a position suitable for launching against the first important target – the aircraft carrier, i.e. the H.M.S. Illustrious – its distance was still more than 5,000 meters, too much to hope for a hit. Therefore, he let it pass, without being able to do anything. Just then, moreover, the British squadron pulled out, widening the beta. Romei then decides to attack the last ship of the formation (which was, according to one version, the silhouette of a Ramillies-type battleship). At 00:08 AM the opposing formation approached again, now returning to tighten the beta.

A minute later, the distance was reduced to about 4,000 meters (indeed still a little too high to launch with a good chance of success, as noted in a comment also from the official history of the USMM. Perhaps the fear of seeing the two battleships escape as already had happened with the aircraft carrier had weight in the decision). Commander Romei estimated the speed of the British formation at about 15 knots, the beta at 90°, the aiming angle at 21.; This data is transmitted to the forward torpedo room, where three 533 mm torpedoes and one 450 mm torpedoes were prepared (the latter, being adjusted for a range of 2000 meters, was not launched). At 00.09 AM Capponi launched three 533 mm torpedoes against the British ships: according to the rules of the time, the three torpedoes were launched with an initial phase shift of five degrees (with the aim of ensuring a salvo opening of 85 meters on each side; at a distance of 4,000 meters, the opening would be 340 meters on each side).  Therefore, the one launched by tube number 1 has an angle of 16°, that of tube 3 of 21°, that of tube 4 of 26°. The first torpedo (tube 1) was launched aiming almost “one and a half hulls” forward of the target’s bridge (so that the opening produced by the angle was reduced to 70 meters, and then to 270 to 4,000 meters); the second (tube 3) was launched with a tappet on the bridge of the British ship; the third (tube 4) in Romei’s intentions should be launched one and a half hulls aft of the bridge (again in order to reduce the opening of the salvo within the limits desired by them), but a strong yaw occurred at the time of launch means that it was actually launched with tappets forward of the bow of the target. All three torpedoes were adjusted to a depth of five meters.

A little more than three minutes after launch, three detonations are heard on the Capponi, which are believed to indicate that the torpedoes have hit (also because usually the Italian torpedoes, if they reached the end of their run without having hit targets, did not explode, but merely sank). Just before the first of the three explosions, from aboard the submarine – which in the meantime was preparing for the crash dive, which was soon to be carried out – what appears to be a tall black column rising from the hull of the chosen target, the last ship of the formation, was also observed. Commander Romei wrote in his report: “The first two explosions were heard after about 3 minutes and 15 seconds, and the first of them was preceded by a high black column raised against the hull of the targeted target (last unit of the formation). The interval between these two explosions was very short, in the order of about 3 or 4 seconds. The third explosion followed after about 6 seconds and the recoil on the hull of the submarine was heard, while operations for the rapid were already beginning; therefore, it was not possible to visually observe the effect produced.” About the third torpedo, Romei estimates that it passed about 500 meters forward of the target. Having heard the explosion, he believes that it hit the ship that preceded the one that was hit in the formation. At 00:30 AM Romei reported on the radio that he believed he had hit a heavy cruiser with two torpedoes, or perhaps even three.

In fact, no British ships were hit. Even the British, although not realizing that they were under attack, actually heard two loud explosions around midnight, the same ones felt by the crew of the Capponi but believing that they were due to the explosion of torpedoes at the end of the run. It has then been hypothesized, on the Italian side (for example, by Francesco Mattesini in his essay on the operation “Judgment”), that the torpedoes exploded by encountering the wake of one of the ships, since they usually did not explode at the end of their run, but by contact. The wake hypothesis would also explain Romei’s impression of having struck (given the reciprocal positions, the great distance in the darkness of the night and the perspective, the water column of a torpedo exploding against the wake of a nearby ship could have appeared as the water column of a torpedo exploding against a ship). Another hypothesis (put forward by Platon Alexiades) was that the torpedoes exploded by hitting the seabed after reaching the end of their stroke.

Shortly after its unsuccessful attack against Force A, which was not followed by a counterattack (according to one source, some destroyers approached the submarine, causing it to move away, but without locating it), Capponi had to abort the mission and return to base due to failures with the electric motors.

Commander Romei’s erroneous appreciation, far from inexplicable or unprecedented in the context of underwater warfare – where submarines, after attacking heavily escorted enemy formations, often had to hastily dive and move away after having been able to evaluate only summarily the results of their launches – was absurdly amplified in the days that followed by a gross error of judgment on the part of Supermarina. Having received Capponi’s communication on the alleged damage to a heavy cruiser, in fact, the command of the Regia Marina asks its counterpart in the Air Force (Superaereo) to send his planes to give the coup de grace to the stricken cruiser.

The reconnaissance sent to the scene of the attack on the morning of November 10th did not spot either damaged ships or wreckage indicating a sinking, but some FIAT CR 42 biplanes of the 23rd Fighter Group noticed the presence of H.M.S. Ramillians in Valletta, which was stopping there to refuel. Judging with too much optimism the reason for the stop in Malta of this unit (very rarely, since the outbreak of the war, the British battleships stay in the Maltese port), Supermarina believes that this must be the ship hit by the Capponi, and that it has taken refuge in Malta because of the damage suffered. H.M.S. Ramillies, after refueling, left Malta at 01.30 PM on the same day, together with the Coventry and the destroyers H.M.S. Decoy and H.M.S. Defender, escorting the four steamers of the convoy “ME. 3” bound for Egypt.

The erroneous news of the torpedoing of an enemy battleship was given in the bulletin no. 158 of the Supreme Command of 12 November (“On the night of the 1st of November in the central Mediterranean one of our submarines attacked a significant British naval force and certainly hit with two torpedoes and probably with a third the last large ship of the formation. It was to be considered probable that the enemy unit will be lost, which was certainly very seriously damaged“) and then taken up again in bulletin no. 161 of 15 November with more details “On the night of the 9th to the 10th of this year — as already announced in bulletin no. 158 — the submarine Capponi hit with three torpedoes a battleship type Ramillies which, together with others,  escorted the aircraft carrier Illustrious in the Strait of Sicily. The Lieutenant Commander Romeo Romei, commander of the submarine, checked with direct vision from the submarine that emerged the explosion of the three torpedoes on the hull of the enemy ship”. In the following days, the Italian press gave ample prominence to the episode. The Anglo-Saxon one will refute the Italian claims. Commander Romei, as a consequence of this colossal misunderstanding, was decorated with the Silver Medal for Military Valor for torpedoing a battleship, while the rest of the crew was awarded the War Cross for Military Valor with the same motivation.

Pietro Caporilli, war correspondent of the “Giornale d’Italia” embarked on the Pier Capponi, wrote an illustrated pamphlet (“The extraordinary adventures of the submarine Pier Capponi“) published in 1941 by the” Editoriale di Propaganda Gioventù Italiana del Littorio” in Rome, the first issue of the “Series of monographs on the heroes of the sea, sky and earth” (cost, two lire at the time). Subsequently, Caporilli will also take up this theme in the book “Noi della ciurma” (We, the crew).

Drawing by Vittorio Pisani for “La Tribuna Illustrata” of December 1st, 1940. The caption read: “Torpedoes hit the target to death – On the side of the British ship – a battleship of the type “Ramilles” – a huge column of water was raised. The enemy unit was certainly sinking and soon the submarine that torpedoed it – our “Pier Capponi”, commanded by the Lieutenant Commander Romeo Romei – will return to dive to hunt for other prey. This brilliant war action took place in the Strait of Sicily” (from “The sinking of the submarine Pier Capponi” by Enzo Poci, edited by the Società di Storia Patria per la Puglia).

A page from Pietro Caporilli’s pamphlet on the adventures of Capponi (from “The sinking of the submarine Pier Capponi” by Enzo Poci, edited by the Società di Storia Patria per la Puglia)

February 23rd or 24th 1941

Capponi (Lieutenant Commander Romeo Romei) left Messina for a new ambush in the waters of Malta but had to return to port the same day due to a breakdown.

Caporilli’s book about the Capponi and his commander

March 9th and 10th, 1941

Capponi was on patrol east of Malta. Again, it had to interrupt the mission and return to base earlier than expected due to a breakdown (which among other things prevented the boat from diving, thus forcing it to sail on the surface), arriving in Messina on March10th.

The Sinking

After its last mission off Malta, Capponi was now of limited use due to precarious conditions, no longer able to participate in war missions (according to one source, it was no longer even able to dive, but this was contradicted by the report of the Special Commission of Inquiry of 1947). For this reason it was ordered to be transferred from Messina to La Spezia to be disarmed there,  move authorized by Supermarina with hand message 1894 of March 29th, 1941, sent to Maricosom (the Submarine Squadron Command).

On the same day, Maricosom in turn sent the telecipher (TN encrypted teletype message) 89010 to the III Submarine Group of Messina, with which it was ordered: “Recipient of the third Grupsom STOP Submarine “Capponi” was to move as soon as possible to La Spezia where it will begin disarmament operations STOP Coastal route Strait Messina point 3 miles west Stromboli point eight miles west Scoglio d’Africa point A La Spezia alt 183029″. Marina Messina replied with the telecipher 13612, which confirming the receipt of the order added: «Forecast of movements of the submarine “CAPPONI” from Messina 100031 to La Spezia on the surface speed 11.5 miles coastal routes up to point no. 1 of Messina then direct route point at miles three west Stromboli expected transit 150031 direct route point at miles eight west Scoglio d’Africa expected transit 190001 route point A La Spezia expected arrival 070002 – 100030».

In the Ligurian base, according to some secondary sources, Capponi was to receive repairs and then be put back into service, but from the documents of the Special Commission of Inquiry (C.I.S.) established after the war to investigate its loss it appears instead that once arrived in La Spezia the submarine was to be decommissioned. (According to a different source, Capponi was to be demolished – but it seems more likely to speak of disarmament, considering that old boats such as the Balilla, the Pisani or the X were disarmed but not even demolished – only if it was no longer convenient to repair it). Moreover, according to the C.I.S., which in turn cited information from the General Staff of the Navy (Maristat), Capponi was not usable since February 15th, 1941.

The journalist Pietro Caporilli, who had already embarked on Capponi as a correspondent in various war missions and a friend of Commander Romei, would recall in the post-war period, in an article published posthumously by his son Memmo in the book “War in the Abyss“: “The old nail’ could not take it anymore and, after a few attempts to patch it up at the Shipyards of Navalmeccanica in Naples,  the Superior Command decided to disarm it by assigning the entire crew, including me, to arm the large cruise submarine (2,000 tons, 14 launch tubes, 36 torpedoes and 120 days of autonomy) “Admiral Cagni” being fitted out in Monfalcone for the war on the American coasts.

This was the formal promise that the Commander-in-Chief of the Submarine Squadron, Admiral Falangola, had made to Romei and that the entire crew had greeted with great enthusiasm. But fate had arranged otherwise. On March 15th, Romei and Caporilli went on leave together, the former to Caprarola, where his family was, and the latter to Rome. In Messina, with Capponi, the second-in-command, the twenty-six-year-old lieutenant Alessandro Stea, a Neapolitan, had remained. On the morning of 30 March, Romei went to Rome, where Caporilli was, and from the latter’s house he telephoned Stea, telling him to be ready because the next morning he would be in Messina and they would leave for La Spezia. Stea replied that it was not appropriate for Romei to come all the way to Messina again, he could take the “old nail” to La Spezia himself, after which he would join him in Rome, where his old mother was, who was taking care of by Caporilli’s wife. Stea’s mother, who was present at the call, instead asked Romei to send her son on leave immediately, without waiting for his arrival in La Spezia (“… almost as if a mysterious voice had already spoken to her mother’s heart of the tragic destiny that was about to be fulfilled“); Capponi’s commander replied calmly: “Madam, it’s a walk in the park. Sandro will be here on Wednesday. Caporilli was also coming with us.”

After the phone call to Stea, Romei and Caporilli went to the Ministry of the Navy, where they spent the rest of the morning. After having had lunch together, the two spent the afternoon reviewing the narration of Capponi’s adventures in Caporilli’s notebook. At 10:00 PM. they called a taxi to be taken to the station, the train to Messina would leave in an hour. Caporilli’s phone, however, turned out to be isolated, and since they were unable to put it back into operation, they made the call from the adjacent apartment. Romei wanted Caporilli to come with him on what he called “the funeral” of his old boat, but in the end, he was persuaded that it would be a waste of time for him, especially since on a trivial transfer trip in national waters there would be nothing that a journalist could talk about. Therefore, they parted, with the agreement that Caporilli would join him together with Stea, who after arriving in La Spezia would go on leave to Rome, to Monfalcone, for Cagni’s rehearsals. “A handshake, another laugh (Romei was always laughing) and then Tassi took him away.”

Capponi left Messina for La Spezia on March 31st, 1941, at 10:00 AM. It was still commanded, as in all missions since the beginning of the war, by the Lieutenant Commander Romeo Romei. However, since the submarine was destined for decommissioning, most of the crew was disembarked in Messina, leaving on board only the personnel strictly necessary for the transfer trip to La Spezia: 5 officers, 7 non-commissioned officers and 26 sub-chiefs and sailors. For the “extra” men, the decision to land them in Messina represented salvation.

On the other hand, Chief petty Officer First Class Pasquale Ammirati, from Campania transplanted to Pula (from a seafaring family: his father Ciro, captain of the C.R.E.M. assigned to the Arsenal of the Istrian city, had moved there with the whole family after the  World War I, for reasons of service; his brother Fulvio was also in the Navy), chief engineman: initially designated among those who had to disembark before departure,  was then kept on board due to problems with the diesel engines that occurred at the last moment (the remaining engine engineers, less experienced, could not start them). Ammirati’s wife, with their nine-month-old son Ciro, was also in Messina at the time: she embraced her departing husband, not knowing that it was the last time she would see him.

Leaving Messina, Capponi then began sailing northwards with a reduced crew, proceeding on the surface at a speed of eleven and a half knots. Commander Romei had the order to report the passage of his boat to the various Harbor Master’s Offices in whose waters it would pass during the transfer journey to La Spezia, but after the departure, Capponi gave no more news of itself (a secondary source states that the last signal of the submarine would have was sent near Stromboli clearly state that after the departure the Capponi “gave no more signs of life”).

On the morning of March 31st, at 10.40 AM, Marina Messina announced the departure of the submarine with the telecipher 04086 (“Submarine CAPPONI for La Spezia 104031“). The arrival of the Capponi in La Spezia was scheduled for the morning of April 2nd, but the submarine never arrived there. Searches carried out in the conventional point “A” by the means sent by that Command did not give any results, and 05:00 PM of  April 2nd Marina La Spezia informed both Supermarina and Maricosom with the telecipher 82724:  «Aerial search on route from the CAPPONI submarine that was supposed to reach point A/1 La Spezia 0700 today gave a negative result (STOP) Traffic light stations and lookout stations involved (Alt) 170002».

Since the submarine had not been sighted even by the semaphore stations of Stromboli, on the morning of April 3rd, Marina Messina sent the torpedo boat Simone Schiaffino to look for it in the waters between Capo Rasocolmo and Stromboli itself, in cooperation with aircraft, on the assumption that the submarine had incurred some accident in that stretch of sea. That Command informed Supermarina of this with the telecipher 32131, which reported: “Torpedo boat SCHIAFFINO from 070003 hours in systematic search for traces of submarine slain between point N. Capo Rasocolmo and point miles three miles west of Stromboli until sunset in collaboration with air search (Alt) 090003″. Schiaffino searched until sunset but found nothing. Supermarina ordered the search to continue in the following days, with ships and planes, but nothing was found. On March 8th, Marina La Spezia communicated by telecipher to the General Staff of the Navy (Maristat) that it had not yet found anything (“71070… I would like to inform you that the submarine “CAPPONI”, which was expected to arrive at 0900 a.m. on the 2nd of the current and has not yet arrived STOP systematic naval and air searches organized by this Commander-in-Chief and ordered by Supermarina have given negative results STOP  Supermarina kept constantly informed since the early afternoon hours of the two current alt 173008»).

No semaphore or lookout station had sighted the Pier Capponi after its departure from Messina (according to Pietro Caporilli, however, the passage of the submarine was recorded for the last time by the semaphore of Punta Faro, after which nothing more was heard of it).

Pietro Caporilli recalls in his “War in the Abyss” a disturbing event, which occurred on the very evening of his farewell to Romei: “Around 11:00 PM, I hear my wife calling me excitedly and she hands me the microphone of the telephone that she had picked up to hear if the interruption had ceased. I hear a blood-curdling wail as if on the other end of the line a dying person were crying out for help. In vain I cry; I tap on the fork. Then the moaning stops. At exactly midnight a long ringing of the phone makes me jump out of bed. I run, but I hear nothing but the usual characteristic signal of the device that had started working again. What had happened? Mystery!” The arrival in Rome of sub-lieutenant Stea was scheduled for April 2nd, but Stea did not arrive in Rome. A week passed without Caporilli having any news from Romei, after which, pressed by Stea’s mother, the journalist went to Admiral Mario Falangola, commander-in-chief of Maricosom, to ask for news. “As soon as he saw me, he understood the purpose of my visit, and a veil of sadness clouded his face. He was like a father to his submariners and every loss was a cause of acute suffering. He told me the whole truth; that is, what little that resulted.” Lieutenant Stea’s mother, after losing her only son, killed herself. Her body was found one morning in the Vomero Park in Naples, where she lived: in her hand she had the last letter written by his son three days before his death, on March 28th, 1941 (it was Caporilli, leaving on his leave, who had given it to her). By her express wish, the letter was buried with her in the grave.

Commander Romei, on the left, and the second commander Stea, on the right (from “The sinking of the submarine Pier Capponi” by Enzo Poci, edited by the Società di Storia Patria per la Puglia)

On 12 April 1941 Supermarina concluded, with an internal memo, that Capponi must have been sunk by an enemy submarine during the transfer from Messina to La Spezia. The crew was reported missing on that date.

The crew of the Pier Capponi, who have passed away in their entirety:

  • Sebastiano Accolla, sub-chief helmsman, from Syracuse
  • Ettore Acquafresca, chief torpedo pilot third class, from Matera
  • Antonio Alberelli, sailor, from Banari
  • Pasquale Ammirati, Chief Mechanic Third Class, from Torre Annunziata
  • Raffaele Ayala, second chief furier, from Herculaneum
  • Enzo Bernardini, sailor electrician, from Arezzo
  • Aldo Breanza, sailor stoker, from Legnano
  • Antonio Bumbaca, sailor gunner, from Siderno
  • Francesco Buonocore, sailor, from Amalfi
  • Aldo Cesolini, sub-lieutenant, from Rome
  • Pasquale Costa, electrician sergeant, from Anoia
  • Giulio Cozzani, midshipman, from La Spezia
  • Emilio Dainesi, torpedo sailor, from Laurana
  • Luigi De Donno, sailor (order of the captain), from Aradeo
  • Sestilio Fabbri, sailor electrician, from Castiglione dei Pepoli
  • Cesarino Gasparini, sailor radiotelegraphist, from Novi di Modena
  • Renzo Gemme, sub-chief radiotelegraphist, from Genoa
  • Giuseppe Giardino, sub-chief electrician, from Bari
  • Emilio Greco, sub-chief engineman, from Torre Annunziata
  • Giuseppe Leognani, Lieutenant of the Naval Engineers (chief engineer), from Loreto Aprutino
  • Vittorio Maccari, sailor stoker, from Carrara
  • Armando Mazzetti, sailor electrician, from Sasso Marconi
  • Vito Muolo, Chief Electrician Second Class, from Ginosa
  • Ersilio Nardi, Deputy Chief Signaller, from Cremona
  • Ruggero Nordio, sailor, from Chioggia
  • Roberto Orciani, sub-chief torpedo pilot, from Ancona
  • Vilfredo Paradisi, sub-chief torpedo pilot, from Massa Marittima
  • Vittorio Pavone, Chief Engine Engineer First Class, from Taranto
  • Alessandro Pazzaglia, sailor stoker, from Rome
  • Policarpo Rigon, second chief helmsman, from Vicenza
  • Luigi Rima, sailor, from Gallipoli
  • Romeo Romei, Lieutenant Commander (commander), from Castelnuovo di Cattaro
  • Pietro Russo, torpedo sailor, from Galati Mamertino
  • Armando Sartori, sub-chief torpedo pilot, from Maserada sul Piave
  • Remo Simoniello, sailor gunner, from Brindisi
  • Alessandro Stea, lieutenant, from Naples (second in command)
  • Pietro Vella, sailor, from Santa Flavia
  • Celestino Zadra, motor sailor, from Valdobbiadene

The crew of the Pier Capponi; the two circles mark the chief mechanic of the third-class Pasquale Ammirati (circled in black) and the sailor Luigi De Donno (circled in white) (from “The sinking of the submarine Pier Capponi” by Enzo Poci, edited by the Società di Storia Patria per la Puglia)

Among the families of the missing, as often happened in these cases, the strangest rumors chased each other for a long time. There were those who did not believe in the sinking by a submarine, given that the searches carried out immediately after the disappearance and for several days to follow by ships and planes along the presumed route of the Capponi had not led to the discovery of any wreckage, body or slick of naphtha, nor other traces that indicated the sinking. Stories circulated, fueled mostly by the hope of seeing loved ones again, that the submarine had been captured and the crew taken prisoner; the family of the chief mechanic Pasquale Ammirati, for example, heard for a long time stories to this effect made by nuns and missionaries active in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan.

The Italian Navy’s top brass learned the truth after the war, from British documents to which they were finally able to have access: Capponi had been sunk on the very day of its departure, March 31st, 1941, by H.M.S. Rorqual, a minelaying submarine commanded by Commander Ronald Hugh Dewhurst. H.M.S. Rorqual was an old and painful acquaintance for the Italian Navy: during the conflict it had sunk 35,951 tons of Axis ships with its mines (which makes it the most successful minelayer submarine of the Second World War), mostly Italian, including the torpedo boats Generale Antonio Chinotto, Calipso, Fratelli Cairoli, Altair and Aldebaran.  the military tankers Ticino and Verde, the auxiliary submarine destroyer AS 99 Zuri and the merchant ships Celio, Loasso, Salpi, Rina Croce, Leopardi, and Ankara (the latter German), but also the British corvette Erica, which jumped in 1943 on an old minefield. In addition to these, another 21,753 tons of ships had sunk with cannon and torpedo.

On March 22nd, 1941, H.M.S. Rorqual had left Malta for her thirteenth war mission, the tenth in the Mediterranean. After laying two minefields, between March 25th and 26th, off the coast of Palermo (on which, between March 26th and 28th, the torpedo boat Chinotto and the tankers Ticino and Verde landed), it laid in ambush north of Sicily, sinking the tanker Laura Corrado with torpedoes off Capo Gallo on March 30th. Then, at 01:37 PM. on March 31st, H.M.S. Rorqual, diving at noon, detected engine noise on the hydrophones at 140°, in position 38°32′ N and 15°19′ E (or 15°15′ E), northeast of northeastern Sicily and south of Stromboli (another source, probably erroneous, indicates 38°42′ N and 15°12′ E). The sea was almost completely calm. Two minutes later, the British submarine had spotted something on the horizon: after a few minutes, the “something” had turned out to be an Italian submarine sailing on the surface. H.M.S. Rorqual had therefore begun an attack maneuver, identifying its target as a Calvi-class submarine (of dimensions, in truth, considerably larger than the Mameli-class to which the Pier Capponi belonged) and estimating that it would follow a 325° course without variations, passing south of Stromboli.

At first Dewhurst had had some uncertainties about the opportunity to attack: it had been reported to him as probable the passage in the area of important Italian naval forces, units damaged a few days earlier in the battle of Cape Matapan, and in fact that morning he had sighted in those waters two destroyers, perhaps intended to escort those ships. An attack against the sighted submarine could have betrayed the presence of H.M.S. Rorqual in the area and thus made more “appetizing” targets fade away; but, on the other hand, the passage of the Italian naval forces had been announced for that morning, and by now it was almost two o’clock in the afternoon without any trace appearing of them. The British commander had therefore decided to attack. He was already in a perfect position for this purpose, he didn’t even have to change course to lead the attack.

At 02:02 PM, from a distance of 915 meters, H.M.S. Rorqual had launched five torpedoes – the last ones the boat had left – against the Italian submarine, on a course of approximately 85°: Dewhurst had estimated that the latter had a speed of 13 knots (in reality it was slightly lower) and had aimed starting from mid-length, forward. There was an interval of five seconds between torpedoes. 55 seconds after launch, one of the torpedoes hit the target under the conning tower, and after another five seconds another torpedo hit it in the stern: the latter, indeed, had been a double explosion, particularly violent. Perhaps there had been two, instead of one, torpedoes that had hit the stern, or perhaps the torpedo that had hit at that point had in turn caused the explosion of the torpedoes present in the victim’s torpedo room. The bow of the Italian submarine had remained visible for a few moments after the torpedoing, stretched out towards the sky at an angle of 60°, while the rest of the boat had dissolved in a cloud of brown smoke, as if disintegrated. Dewhurst judged it unlikely that anyone could have survived. At 02:03 PM, H.M.S. Rorqual had descended to the depths for 20 minutes as a precaution, and at the same time the British crew had heard a further explosion: perhaps a torpedo at the end of its run, perhaps an explosion in the sunken submarine. At 02:23 PM, having reached periscope depth, H.M.S. Rorqual had sighted nothing; having run out of torpedoes, Dewhurst had embarked on the return voyage. The attack took place 17 miles south of Stromboli and 28 miles northwest of Messina (or 10 miles north of Milazzo).

Given the time and the position, the victim of the Rorqual could only be Capponi. In October 1941, Dewhurst was awarded the Distinguished Service Order for the destruction of the Italian submarine.

The Special Commission of Inquiry on the loss of Capponi, composed of the captains Giovanni Di Gropello (commander in war of the destroyers Grecale and Antoniotto Usodimare and then of the battleship Littorio) and Araldo Fadin (former commander of the destroyer Daniele Manin, sunk in the Red Sea in 1941) and chaired by the rear admiral Emilio Brenta, seemed to hint at a veiled criticism when in his report he mentioned that “no news appears from the documentation that the submarine “CAPPONI” was unable to dive and the C.I.S. in this regard observes that in this case it would have been appropriate not to derogate from the usual safety rules that provided for underwater units to navigate underwater during daylight hours and in dangerous areas. On the other hand, the C.I.S. does not rule out that the news, certainly known on board, that the unit was going to La Spezia for disarmament, caused a certain détente in spirits that ultimately resulted in a relaxation of vigilance.

Here we take the opportunity to observe, regarding the fact that the Capponi was sailing on the surface, that the telecipher 13612 of Marina Messina of 30 March 1941, which communicated to Maricosom the program for the transfer of the submarine from Messina to La Spezia, announced that the submarine would make the journey by sailing on the surface. This gives the impression that the decision to proceed was not the choice of Commander Romei. Be that as it may, the C.I.S. report went on to state that “no evidence has emerged that could cast doubt on the part of the Commander or any member of the crew for the loss of the vessel, or that the high traditions of honor and duty of the Italian Navy were not followed (…) the Commander, Lieutenant Commander ROMEI Romeo, an elderly and very talented submariner, (…) had distinguished himself very much during the short period of war accomplished”.

The Special Commission of Inquiry finished its report on August 6th, 1947 and sent it to the Chief of Staff of the Navy, who after reading it replied with an order sheet of February 9th, 1948, declaring that he shared its conclusions: “I agree with the conclusions of the C.I.S. that no responsibility for the loss of the unit was to be attributed to the Commander or to any other person of the crew:  all of whom disappeared at sea with the unit, behaved according to the highest traditions of honor and duty of the Italian Navy. Regarding a greater exaltation of the work and figure of Capt. of Corv. Romeo ROMEI (…) the proposal to convert the Silver Medal on the field, already granted, into a Gold Medal was underway. With the granting of the highest reward to the V.M., it was considered necessary to recognize the courageous, intelligent work, of absolute dedication to duty of the said superior officer.

If the Navy was thus able to know as early as 1947 how and when Capponi had been sunk, the relatives of the missing were not informed for many years, continuing to know only that their loved ones were missing at sea with their submarine on April 12th, 1941. Also on May 31st, 1959, in a commemorative ceremony in memory of the fallen of the Capponi and other submarines held at the crypt of Magnanapoli in Rome, in the presence of Admirals Domenico Cavagnari (former Chief of Staff of the Navy from 1934 to 1940, by the 83 years old), Salvatore Pelosi (former commander in war of the submarine Torricelli sunk in the Red Sea) and Giuseppe Roselli Lorenzini (former commander of submarines in the Atlantic during the conflict:  indeed, he had received the command of Cagni, who should have gone to Romei if he had not died in Capponi’s last mission), as well as numerous relatives of Capponi’s fallen including Ciro Ammirati and the widow and daughter of Commander Romei, the military chaplain and the officers called to remember Capponi and his crew spoke of a submarine declared missing at sea,  not to mention that it had been sunk by H.M.S. Rorqual.

Ciro Ammirati, son of the chief engineer Pasquale Ammirati who was missing on Capponi, learned that the submarine had been sunk by H.M.S. Rorqual off Stromboli only several years later, almost by chance, by an aunt from Venice. Others among the relatives of the missing, or among the “miraculous” who landed in Messina before departure, who had lost their comrades in so many war vicissitudes on the Capponi, knew the truth only when the translation of the book “Battle for the Mediterranean” by the British commander Donald Macintyre was published in Italy in 1965, in which he briefly mentioned,  between one page and another, to the sinking Capponi by H.M.S. Rorqual. Macintyre was not, however, the first to reveal Capponi’s fate in a book; Two years earlier, in 1963, the U.S.M.M. had published the volume “The Italian Submarines 1895-1962”, edited by Captain Paolo Mario Pollina, in which it was mentioned that “Capponi was lost on March 31st, 1941 south of Stromboli while moving from Messina to La Spezia, almost certainly due to torpedoing by the British Submarine H.M.S.. Rorqual“.

After the war, along with the circumstances of Capponi’s loss, the Naval General Staff also re-examined the question of the action of November 10th, 1940. It was now clear that the attack of the Capponi on that date, contrary to what had previously been believed, had not led to the sinking of a British battleship, nor of any other enemy ship (although strangely, despite the information from British sources denying it, the Chief of Staff of the Navy stated that “it can be affirmed, however, with well-founded elements that a British major ship was torpedoed in the action,  probably RAMILLIES.” As late as 1947 the members of the Special Commission of Inquiry into the sinking of Capponi seemed to believe that not only had the Ramillies been torpedoed, but even that it could have been sunk, although in that year this ship was still afloat, although decommissioned in 1946 and awaiting demolition).

In noting this fact, however, the Chief of Staff of the Navy pointed out in February 1948 that “the attack was carried out (…) with a high aggressive spirit, despite the precarious condition of the unit following the serious damage suffered due to the hunt suffered during the day by British anti-submarine units. The fact that the action did not end with the sinking of the affected unit [sic] does not substantially diminish the merit of the Commander and crew who did everything possible to obtain the maximum yield from the means and weapons available. (…) The Capt. of Corv. ROMEO ROMEI (…) confirmed in this action his brilliant qualities as a determined and firm fighter and his particular aptitude as a submariner“. In addition, “The value of his command work, in the light of current knowledge, was even more evident, as it can be rightly noted that the use of the unit carried out by Commander Romei in various war actions was the most appropriate to the characteristics of modern underwater tactics even if in contrast with the existing directives of the time“. Based on this, it was decided not only to keep the Silver Medal for Military Valor awarded to Commander Romei for the action of November 10th, 1940, but also to commute it to the Gold Medal, in memory, in recognition of “not only [the] particular action of November 10th, 1940, but [for] all his work as a submariner”.

The commutation took place in 1949, the motivation for the decoration was: “Submarine commander distinguished himself from the beginning of the conflict for his skill and valor. At the ambush near an important enemy base, attacked during the day by light surface units, he managed to escape the hunt with remarkable skill, despite the considerable damage that had significantly impaired the possibility of maneuvering of his unit. With courageous determination and sure intuition, he still maintained the ambush in the area and could thus sight, at night, a large enemy naval formation consisting of an aircraft carrier, two battleships and various cruisers and CC.TT. Anticipating the theories of use, later adopted by submarines, he resolutely led the attack on the formation on the surface and, to achieve his daring intent, he did not hesitate to use a partially damaged heat engine that with the significant exhaust smoke could have revealed its presence to the enemy. Once the attack was carried out, he hit an enemy battleship with two torpedoes and with a third, probably, another unit, taking the dive only after having ascertained the explosion of the weapons. During the next mission, he disappeared at sea with his unit. He was an example of serene bravery, exceptional fighting spirit and high military virtues. Strait of Sicily, night of November 10th, 1940; Lower Tyrrhenian Sea, March 31st, 1941”. While the motivation, compared to that of the previous Silver Medal, had been extended to embrace the entire war service of Commander Romei, the reference to the torpedoing of a battleship was still maintained, strangely, despite the information obtained from the former enemy at the end of the war.

Pietro Caporilli, the journalist who had become a close friend of Romeo Romei during his missions as a war correspondent and who had written so much about his deeds, learned that Capponi had been sunk by H.M.S. Rorqual more than three years after the end of the war, in October 1948. Not satisfied with the little he had been able to learn through the Navy or by reading the official history of the Royal Navy (Naval Staff History, Vol. II, Submarines: “… The following day the submarine Pier Capponi (800 tons) paid for its imprudence to sail on the surface during the day, being hit by two torpedoes…”). In the following decades Caporilli continued his research on the fate of Capponi and the commander who had been his best friend in wartime, writing to the British Admiralty to obtain the mission report of H.M.S. Rorqual, which he received, and also the address of Commander Dewhurst.

In the seventies he was still alive, residing in Rotorua, New Zealand. He replied politely to Caporilli’s letter, with a letter dated May 5th, 1976 in which he summarized what he remembered about that episode: “Mr. Caporilli, I am sorry that I did not reply to your letter sooner. Please excuse me. I do not have a copy of the mission report I made to the Admiral on the action that you have mentioned, but the details are still vivid in my memory, and I can clarify more fully what you already know. I was on a mission in the Strait of Messina, about ten miles north of the city. I had been warned that important Italian naval forces were expected in the morning in the area north of the strait, but no sign of them appeared on the horizon. In the early afternoon a submarine came out either from the harbor or from the strait on a northerly course. The weather was nice, and the sea was very calm, almost a mirror, making the attack difficult. I launched five torpedoes about nine hundred yards away, followed by three explosions. Due to the sea conditions, I took the special precaution of avoiding the surface, so I could not see the torpedoes hit the target. But when I climbed back up to periscope depth about a minute later, I saw only a blanket of smoke. I continued to approach the sinking site but saw no sign of life. I can’t give more details about the sinking of the submarine because two destroyers moved towards me to sink me.

I hope this will be useful to your work and you will have my best regards.”

Capponi at sea
(photo from “Mare grosso forza 6… Luna basta alta”, by Daniela Stanco and Patrizia Giuliani)

Original Italian text by Lorenzo Colombo adapted and translated by Cristiano D’Adamo

Operational Records

TypePatrols (Med.)Patrols (Other) NM Surface NM Sub. Days at SeaNM/DayAverage Speed
Submarine – Medium Range9 3,655 812 30148.96.2

Actions

DateTimeCaptainAreaCoordinatesConvoyWeaponResultShipTypeTonnsFlag
6/22/194001.35C.C. Romeo RomeiMediterranean36°59’N-11°12’ETorpedoSankElgoSteam Freighter1888Sweden
11/10/19400.09C.C. Romeo RomeiMediterraneanMaltaTorpedoFailedRamilliesBattleshipGreat Britain

Crew Members Lost

Last NameFirst NameRankItalian RankDate
AccollaSebastianoJunior ChiefSottocapo3/31/1941
AcquafrescaEttoreChief 3rd ClassCapo di 3a Classe3/31/1941
AlberelliAntonioNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
AmmiratiPasqualeChief 3rd ClassCapo di 3a Classe3/31/1941
AyalaRaffaeleChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe3/31/1941
BernardiniEnzoNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
BreanzaAldoNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
BunbacaAntonioNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
BuonocoreFrancescoNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
CesoliniAldoSublieutenantSottotenente di Vascello3/31/1941
CostaPasqualeSergeantSergente3/31/1941
CozzaniGiulioEnsignGuardiamarina3/31/1941
DainesiEmilioNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
De DonnoLuigiNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
FabbriSestilioNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
GaspariniCesarinoNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
GemmeRenzoJunior ChiefSottocapo3/31/1941
GiardinoGiuseppeJunior ChiefSottocapo3/31/1941
GrecoEmilioJunior ChiefSottocapo3/31/1941
LegnaniGiuseppeEnsign Other BranchesSottotenente Altri Corpi3/31/1941
MaccariVittorioNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
MazzettiArmandoNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
MuoloVicoChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe3/31/1941
NardiErsilioJunior ChiefSottocapo3/31/1941
NordioRuggeroNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
OrcianiRobertoJunior ChiefSottocapo3/31/1941
ParadisiVilfredoJunior ChiefSottocapo3/31/1941
PavoneVittorioChief 1st ClassCapo di 1a Classe3/31/1941
PazzagliaAlessandroNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
RigonPolicarpoChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe3/31/1941
RimaLuigiNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
RomeiRomeoLieutenant CommanderCapitano di Corvetta3/31/1941
RussoPietroNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
SartoriArmandoJunior ChiefSottocapo3/31/1941
SimonielloRemoNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
SteaAlessandroLieutenantTenente di Vascello3/31/1941
VellaPietroNaval RatingComune3/31/1941
ZedraCelestinoNaval RatingComune3/31/1941

R. Smg. Diamante

Diamante was a Sirena class coastal submarine (680 tons displacement on the surface, 850 submerged). It completed only one war patrol, covering 700 miles on the surface and 300 miles submerged.

R.Smg. Diamante

Brief and Partial Chronology

May 11th, 1931

Set-up began in the Tosi shipyards in Taranto.

May 21st, 1933

Diamante was launched at the Tosi shipyard in Taranto.

The launch of the Diamante

November 18th, 1933

Official entry into service, thereafter the boat was assigned to the submarine base in Taranto.

1934

Diamante made a training cruise in the Eastern Mediterranean, stopping in Greece, the Dodecanese, Palestine, and North Africa. The boat ended the cruise in Messina, where it joined the VII Submarine Squadron. The captain of the boat was the Lieutenant Commander Costanzo Casana.

1936

Located in Leros. After completing another cruise, it was transferred to Taranto.

January 12th, 1937

Assigned to the VI Submarine Group of Leros, Diamante sails from Naples under the command of Lieutenant Commander Andrea Gasparini for a “special” mission in the waters of Valencia against traffic directed to the ports of republican Spain in the context of the Spanish Civil War, in support of the Spanish nationalist forces. An officer of the Spanish Nationalist Navy, Lieutenant Luis Cebreiro Blanco, was on board for the occasion as liaison officer and to assist in the recognition of Spanish ships.

During the mission, Diamante began eight attack maneuvers, but the extremely restrictive rules of engagement – no neutral ships should be attacked unless they were engaged in smuggling in favor of the Republicans, and absolutely no recognition should be made because the Italian involvement in the conflict was secret and completely illegal – meant that only one of them was carried out.

January 16th, 1937

At 06:00 AM, Diamante, while on the surface, attacked a steamer with the launch of two torpedoes (one 450 mm and one 533 mm) and a cannon shot, without being able to hit the target.

January 28th, 1937

Diamante concludes the mission by returning to Naples. it encountered good weather and spent 173 hours on the surface and 124 submerged.

1937

Located in Leros.

August 21st, 1937

Assigned to the IV Submarine Group of Taranto, Diamante sailed from Leros under the command of Lieutenant Commander Mario Tabucchi for a second special mission in the context of the Spanish war, this time in the Aegean Sea as part of a widespread blockade organized throughout the Mediterranean against traffic directed towards the ports of Republican Spain.

During the mission, Diamante initiates six attack maneuvers, but interrupts all of them before arriving at the launch.

August 31st, 1937

Diamante concluded the mission by returning to Leros, after spending 118 hours on the surface and 124.05 submerged, covering 794 miles on the surface and 340.5 submerged.

September 5th, 1937

Still under the command of Lieutenant Commander Mario Tabucchi and under the command of the IV Grupsom of Taranto, Diamante departs from Leros for its third and last special mission (again in the Aegean) during the Spanish Civil War.

During the mission, it encountered rough seas and bad weather and began 16 attack maneuvers, all of which were interrupted before arriving at launch.

September 13th, 1937

Diamante returned to Leros, concluding the mission after 90 hours spent on the surface and 84 hours underwater (he covered 609.5 nautical miles on the surface and 232.5 submerged).

1938

Assigned to the XII Submarine Squadron, based in La Spezia.

February 1939

Located in Tobruk, which was its base until the loss.

March 24th, 1940

Lieutenant Angelo Parla, 32, from Licata, took command of Diamante. He will be the last commander.

Another picture of Diamante

June 1940

Shortly before Italy’s entry into the war, Diamante was based in Tobruk, under the command of Lieutenant Angelo Parla, within the LXII Submarine Squadron (which he formed together with Topazio, Nereide, Galatea and Lafolè), part of the VI Submarine Group.

The first, and last, patrol

Already at 06:00 PM of June 9th, 1940, the day before Italy entered World War II, Diamante left Tobruk under the command of Lieutenant Angelo Parla to carry out its first war patrol in the waters of Libya: the boat, together with Lafolè, Topazio and Nereide, was to form a barrier off Sollum. The four submarines were positioned within twenty miles of each other, starting from a point 30 miles by 30° from Ras Azzaz (Diamante, in particular, positioned itself 40-50 miles by 030° from Ras Azzaz), to defend the ports of Cyrenaica and, if possible, attack enemy ships sailing between Malta and Alexandria in Egypt.

At 00.20 on 10 June, Lafolè spotted Diamante and noticed it slowing down, perhaps caught by a breakdown. Its failure to return then made it impossible to verify whether there had actually been a breakdown, and the same goes for another mysterious episode that took place that day: at 09.45 PM on June 10th, the British destroyer H.M.S. Decoy sighted a submarine that had emerged only 275 meters away and maneuvered to ram it, but the turn turned out to be too wide and late and the bow of the destroyer missed the conning tower of the submarine by about thirty meters. The submarine then began to dive astern, and H.M.S. Decoy fired a 101 mm round at it with the “B” gun.

However, the very short distance (about 90 meters) meant that the shot “flew over” the submarine harmlessly, frustrating the use of artillery that could not be lowered enough to hit it. At this point the destroyer dropped a depth charge, then launched a rocket to mark the spot where the submarine submerged, and finally launched a “package” of four depth charges. The crew of H.M.S. Decoy smelled a strong smell of naphtha and sighed a two-mile-long fuel slick.

No Italian submarine reported being attacked at a time and place compatible with those of the H.M.S. Decoy’s action, while the position indicated by the latter was very close to the ambush sector assigned to Diamante. It is therefore very likely that this was the submarine encountered by the British ship. If this was the case, it is likely that H.M.S. Decoy’s depth charges did not cause any significant damage, since he continued his mission regularly.

On June13th, Diamante received orders from Maricosom to move to waters closer to Tobruk, more precisely 35 miles by 025° (or 030°) from that city. Another six days passed without any noteworthy events, and at 07:35 PM on June 19th Maricosom informed the boat of the sighting of an enemy submarine off Tobruk. Finally, at 10:25 AM on June 20th, Diamante received orders to return immediately to Tobruk, sailing on the surface. In this last communication with the base Diamante reported that it would reach Sidi Abeiba (23°45′ E), about 15 miles west of Tobruk, and a unit of the I Destroyer Squadron was sent to meet the boat. However, it would never make it to the appointment.

While sailing to Tobruk, Diamante was sighted by British forces, and at midnight on June 19th – shortly after the sighting – its presence was communicated by radio to the British submarine H.M.S. Parthian, which, under the command of Lieutenant Commander Michael Gordon Rimington, which was on patrol off the coast of Cyrenaica. (For another version, H.M.S. Parthian was informed of the imminent arrival in Tobruk of Italian submarines on the basis of an interception by the Government Code & Cypher School of Bletchley Park, better known as “Ultra”, which had deciphered an Italian message giving instructions for the return to Tobruk of the Lafolè and another submarine whose name was not mentioned, i.e. Diamante). Immediately H.M.S. Parthian, which was moving farther west, reversed course, and moved to 32°35′ N and 24°10′ E (30 miles north of Tobruk), and then dove before dawn and waited for hours, in silent trim.

At 01:00 PM (according to another source at 2:45 PM) on June 20th, H.M.S. Parthian’s watchman, lying in wait off Tobruk, sighted Diamante (“a long, low object” shortly afterwards identified as a Perla-class submarine) coming unknowingly toward the submarine from a distance of 5,940 meters. Rushing to the launch chamber, Rimington had the presence of the boat confirmed with the use of sonar, then, after making sure that there were no other submarines in the vicinity, he ordered the combat station. H.M.S. Parthian opened launch tubes 1, 2, 3 and 4, distance and bearing were communicated to the person in charge of the launch station, the periscope was lowered, and the submarine descended to a depth of twenty meters, approaching the unsuspecting Diamante at full speed. Then H.M.S. Parthian slowed down and returned to periscope depth, while the Italian submarine passed it forward facing the starboard side, only 400 yards away, as Rimington had calculated. The tubes were prepared, the new data confirmed by the launch station, and H.M.S. Parthian launched four torpedoes spaced three seconds apart, from a distance of just over 350 meters. It was 3:02 PM.

H.M.S. Parthian was lost in the Mediterranean Sea between July 28th and August 11th, 1943

After the allotted time, the crew of H.M.S. Parthian, which had descended to greater depth after the launch, heard four explosions, also at intervals of three seconds: all four torpedoes had hit Diamante , which immediately sank with the entire crew at 32°35′ N and 24°10′ E (for another source 34°42′ N and 23°49′ E or 32°41’30” N and 23°49′ E),  about thirty miles north of Tobruk (for another source, about 35 miles north-northwest of that city). From aboard H.M.S. Parthian, after the explosions of the torpedoes, a fifth, deafening final explosion was also heard, more violent than the others: the epitaph of the submarine and its crew. British sources claim that Diamante “disintegrated”.

The British boat, after checking with the periscope that the horizon was clear, resurfaced, and two men, Chief First-Class Charles Graham Ascomb and Signalman Bush, climbed into the conning tower and searched the surrounding waters, in an attempt to locate any survivors: but in vain. Lines were prepared to be thrown to the castaways, but they were of no use. No one was saved. Commander Parla, four other officers and 38 non-commissioned officers and sailors perished aboard Diamante.

H.M.S. Parthian, diving again and moving away, resurfaced late at night and radioed the success to the base in Alexandria, Egypt. When the boat returned to base, it was Admiral Andrew Browne Cunningham himself, the commander of the Mediterranean Fleet, who went to congratulate the crew of H.M.S. Parthian on the first success of the British submarine in the Mediterranean. Commander Rimington would be decorated with the Distinguished Service Order for sinking Diamante, while another member of the Parthian’s crew, chief petty officer Robert John Backhouse, received the Distinguished Service Medal at Buckingham Palace on February 24th, 1942. Other H.M.S. Parthian men were also decorated for the action; the entire crew was awarded the “Gallantry Award”, as reported in the “London Gazette” of September 11th, 1940.

Diamante was the first of hundreds of casualties claimed by British submarines in the Mediterranean. It was the third in the very long line of Italian submarines that would sink during the war: the second in the Mediterranean.

The elementary school named after Lieutenant Perla in Licata (Sicily)

The unfortunate commander Parla was awarded a Bronze Medal of Military Valor in his memory. He left behind his mother in Licata and a fiancée in Tuscany. In Licata, in the church of Sant’Angelo, a plaque with a bust commemorates the sacrifice of Commander Parla. An elementary school in the village was named in his memory. After so many years, an elderly woman from Licata still throws flowers into the sea every morning of June 20th, from the arm of the statue of the Heart of Jesus, on the eastern pier of the port, in memory of Angelo Parla and his men.

Original Italian text by Lorenzo Colombo adapted and translated by Cristiano D’Adamo

Operational Records

TypePatrols (Med.)Patrols (Other) NM Surface NM Sub. Days at SeaNM/DayAverage Speed
Submarine – Coastal1 700 300 1190.913.79

Actions

DateTimeCaptainAreaCoordinatesConvoyWeaponResultShipTypeTonnsFlag

Crew Members Lost

Last NameFirst NameRankItalian RankDate
AccattinoLorenzoNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
BarelliFrancescoNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
BasiliottiGiuseppeSublieutenantSottotenente di Vascello6/20/1940
BrigantiFrancescoNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
CabiancaGuerrinoNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
CarenaPaoloNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
CoppolaFrancescoNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
D’antonioGiuseppeNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
De RobertisNicolaNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
Di FrancescoAmerigoChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe6/20/1940
ErcolesEugenioNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
FabbroParideNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
FagioliNedoNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
FerrariRomoloChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe6/20/1940
FerraroGaetanoNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
IngargiolaGianbattistaNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
LironiElvezioJunior ChiefSottocapo6/20/1940
ManittoEdilioEnsignGuardiamarina6/20/1940
MarinoUgoNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
ModicaAntoninoChief 3rd ClassCapo di 3a Classe6/20/1940
MontanariAntonioChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe6/20/1940
NicolaiDanteNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
PacittoBiagioJunior ChiefSottocapo6/20/1940
ParlaAngeloLieutenantTenente di Vascello6/20/1940
PetrilloCosimoJunior ChiefSottocapo6/20/1940
PingueAzeglioSublieutenant G.N.Tenente G.N.6/20/1940
RastrelliRomoloNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
RivelliEnricoChief 3rd ClassCapo di 3a Classe6/20/1940
RonchiClaudioJunior ChiefSottocapo6/20/1940
SagaceAntonioChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe6/20/1940
ScarpaOlintoNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
SchedanPolicarpoJunior ChiefSottocapo6/20/1940
SergolaGiuseppeSergeantSergente6/20/1940
SigariGiuseppeJunior ChiefSottocapo6/20/1940
SimonelliLuigiNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
SiracusaFrancescoJunior ChiefSottocapo6/20/1940
SpazianiSilvanoNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
ToniEzioChief 2nd ClassCapo di 2a Classe6/20/1940
TrovatoSalvatoreNaval RatingComune6/20/1940
UccelliCarloSublieutenantSottotenente di Vascello6/20/1940
ValerioGiuseppeJunior ChiefSottocapo6/20/1940
VerriCarloSergeantSergente6/20/1940
VigoPompilioJunior ChiefSottocapo6/20/1940

R. Smg. Corridoni

Filippo Corridoni was a minelaying submarine of the Bragadin-class (displacement of 965 tons on the surface and 1,068 tons submerged).

During the interwar period, the boat carried out normal training activities and short cruises in Italian waters. A unit of mediocre characteristics, it did not carry out a single mine-laying mission throughout the conflict, instead it was used – thanks to the large spaces it had for the transport of mines, which could also be used as “holds” to store supplies – for transport tasks, carrying out 15 missions of this type during the 1940-1943 period,  bringing gasoline, ammunition and other materials to North Africa and later also to Lampedusa.

During the same period, the boat also completed 23 patrols and seven transfer missions, covering a total of 20,960 miles on the surface and 2,172 submerged. After the armistice it was again employed in a resupply suction, this time to Leros (Greece), and then underwent major maintenance work in Taranto and later it was sent to Aden, where it was employed in the anti-submarine training of British air and naval units, carrying out 56 missions of this type until the end of the war. Altogether it completed 180 assignments of all types during the 1940-1945 conflict, covering a total of 38,219.52 nautical miles.

The boat’s motto was “With the people for the fatherland”.

Brief and Partial Chronology

July 4th, 1927

Setting up was started at the Franco Tosi shipyards in Taranto.

March 30th, 1930

The boat was launch at the Franco Tosi shipyard in Taranto, with the blessing of the bishop of Taranto. Present at the launch, among others, was Oreste Bovini, mayor of the town of Pausula, the birthplace of the eponymous patriot of the submarine (which a few months later would be renamed Corridonia in his honor). Subsequently, a delegation of the submarine’s crew, including its commander, Lieutenant Commander Ignazio Castogiovanni, visited Corridonia.

The blessing of the Filippo Corridoni

November 17th, 1931

The submarine officially entered service and it was assigned to the IV Submarine Squadron, based in Taranto, which it formed together with Fratelli Bandiera, Luciano Manara, Ciro Menotti and Santorre Santarosa.

Corridoni while being fitted

June 13th, 1932

In Ancona, the boat received the combat flag, and the godmother was Mrs. Maria Luchetti. The flag was blessed by the bishop of Ancona and placed in a bonnet designed by the Ancona sculptor Filandro Castellani.

1933

Placed under the “Scuola Comando” a training facility.

1934

Corridoni was assigned to the VIII Submarine Squadron of Taranto, together with her boat of the same class Marcantonio Bragadin and the submarines Settembrini, Settimo, Salpa, and Serpente.

Corridoni entering Taranto’s inner harbor

1935

Due to the mediocre seaworthiness (little stability and strong pitching in rough seas), shortly after completion Corridoni underwent modification works that saw the raising of the tip of the bow (thus giving a “nose”, then eliminated in 1943) and the application of side counter hulls (saddles). The stern was also shortened and modified, due to the mediocrity of the mine-laying equipment. After the changes, the length decreases from 71.5 to 68 meters, the width increases from 6.15 to 7.10 meters and the draft decreases from 4.98 to 4.30 meters.

1935-1940

During the Spanish Civil War, the second lieutenant of the Naval Engineers Danilo Stiepovich, future Gold Medal for Military Valor, served on Corridoni.

1936

Corridoni was sent to Tripoli for a short time.

1938

Corridoni and Bragadin form the XLV Submarine Squadron (part of the IV Grupsom of Taranto), which includes all the minelaying boats of the Regia Marina: the much older X 2 and X 3 and the more modern Pietro Micca, Foca, Atropo and Zoea.

June 4th, 1940

The command of Corridoni was assumed by the Lieutenant Commander Manlio Minucci, 36 years old, from Radda in Chianti.

June 10th, 1940

When Italy entered the war, Corridoni (Lieutenant Commander Manlio Minucci) was undergoing works in Taranto. It was part of the XLIX Submarine Squadron of the IV Grupsom, based in Taranto, together with the more modern minelayer submarines Atropo and Zoea.

Corridoni departing for a patrol

June 16th through June 23rd, 1940

Corridoni sailed from Taranto under the command of Lieutenant Commander Minucci, for end-of-the-work trials.

June 26th, 1940

At 1.40 AM, Corridoni (Lieutenant Commander Manlio Minucci) sailed from Taranto bound for Naples, where it had to embark some material to be urgently taken to Libya on a transport mission.

June 28th, 1940

The boat arrived in Naples at 06:00 PM, after having travelled 480 miles.

June 30th, 1940

Corridoni left Naples at 05.20 PM, bound for Tobruk with 15 tons of ammunition and materials for the Regia Aeronautica on board destined for the Tobruk air base, as well as crates with publications, documents, and hydrographic material for that naval base (another source speaks of a total of 27 tons of cargo, materials for the Navy and the Air Force).

July 3rd, 1940

After passing through conventional point C (32°13’40’N, 23°51’E) and covering 772 (or 852) miles, it arrived in Tobruk at 09:00 PM, four hours behind schedule, after a smooth crossing. Providential delay: the British secret services were in fact able to learn of the expected arrival of Corridoni in Tobruk at 05:00 PM on  July 3rd, and had sent a Short Sunderland anti-submarine seaplane (the “R” aircraft of the 228th Squadron of the Royal Air Force) to the scene with the express task of sinking it. However, when the Sunderland arrived in Tobruk, it did not find Corridoni since it had yet to arrive.

During the stop of Corridoni in Tobruk, the Libyan port was the object of three air attacks, on July 5th, 13th, and 15th.

July 16th, 1940

Corridoni left Tobruk at 06:45 AM bound for Leros, carrying materials including other crates of documents, publications, and hydrographic material for that base.

July 19th, 1940

The boat arrived in Leros at 03.30 PM, after having covered 426 miles.

July 24th, 1940

The boat left Leros at 4.20 PM, with the order to patrol between Crete and Sapienza and then return to Taranto.

August 8th, 1940

The boat arrived in Taranto at 03.15 PM, after a mission without any major events. It traveled 1,235 miles.

August 9th through September 24th, 1940

In the shipyard in Taranto.

September 25th through October 3rd, 1940

Corridoni (Lieutenant Commander Manlio Minucci) completed several end-of-the-work trials.

October 9th and 10th, 1940

The boat was in Taranto during two British air attacks, participating in the anti-aircraft reaction with the machine guns.

October 13th, 1940

At 4.20 PM Corridoni (Lieutenant Commander Manlio Minucci) left Taranto for a transport mission to Rhodes and Leros, with food and materials from the Army and Air Force on board. The Royal Navy’s secret service was aware of the mission, thanks to the interception and deciphering of Italian messages by the “ULTRA” organization. On October 15th, the command of the Mediterranean Fleet was first informed that a submarine loaded with supplies would reach Rhodes, docking in the conventional areas “Antonio” and “Luigi”, and that the submarine in question was Corridoni, which would enter the Aegean on the afternoon of October 16th, reaching Rhodes on the morning of the 18th.

October 15th, 1940

From 09.30 AM to 02.02 PM Corridoni was hunted, in position 37° 50’N and 19° 50’E, by a destroyer that tried to locate it with sonar, launching depth charges at 09.48 and 10.35. The boat did not suffer any damage.

October 19th, 1940

Corridoni arrived in Rhodes at 09.25 AM, after having covered 820.5 miles (according to another source 706).

October 20th, 1940

The boat left Rhodes at 11.25 pm, bound for Leros.

October 21st, 1940

The boat arrived in Leros at 11:45 AM, having covered 820.5 miles.

October 27th, 1940

The boat left Leros at 05.55 PM for a patrol in the Aegean, still under the command of Lieutenant Commander Minucci.

November 6th, 1940

The boat returned to Leros at 07.50 AM after having covered 1,072 miles, without having detected anything to report.

November 13th, 1940

The boat left Leros at 04.35 PM to return to Italy. The British were aware of this voyage through “ULTRA”, which on November 12th had learned from intercepted messages that “the date of departure of Corridoni from Rhodes has been postponed and will be communicated to Rome“, and two days after that Corridoni was assigned the route conventionally called “Ebro” and that the submarine was to leave on the evening of the 13th, unless it would receive different orders later.

November 18th, 1940

The boat arrived in Taranto at 03.45 PM, after having covered 681.5 miles. This was followed by a period of work in drydock.

December 28th and 31st, 1940

Corridoni set sail from Taranto for two training sorties, under the command of Lieutenant Commander Manlio Minucci.

January 6th, 1941

Under the command of Lieutenant Commander Manlio Minucci, Corridoni sailed from Taranto at 07.30 AM for a patrol south of the Otranto Channel, at 38°40′ N and 20°00′ E, to protect traffic with Albania. During the mission, it failed to spot any enemy units or detect anything strange, except for explosions in the distance.

January 17th, 1941

The boat returned to Taranto at 05.30 PM, after having covered 1,251 miles.

February 4th, 1941

Lieutenant Commander Minucci handed over command of Corridoni to Lieutenant Lodovico Grion, 31 years old, from Trieste.

February 6th, 1941

Under the command of Lieutenant Lodovico Grion, Corridoni sailed from Taranto at 10.25 AM for a short training patrol, returning to base at 20.45 PM.

February 7th, 1941

Another exercise from Taranto, from 08.05 AM to 01.10 PM, under the command of Lieutenant Lodovico Grion, with the escort of the minesweeper RD 13. Followed at 08.15 PM by a hydrophone patrol in the Gulf of Taranto under the command of Lieutenant Commander Manlio Minucci.

February 8th, 1941

The boat returned to Taranto at 10.40 AM, after having covered 99 miles without any major events.

February 12th, 1941

Going out to sea for exercise, under the command of Lieutenant Lodovico Grion, from 08.15 AM to 03.45 PM., followed at 09.14 PM by hydrophone patrol.

February 13th, 1941

The boat returned to Taranto at 10.15 AM, after covering 88.5 miles.

February 21st through 26th, 1941

The boat set sail from Taranto for several cinematography sessions.